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Human Population and the Natural Environment: Old Questions, New Answers

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natural resources to build the house, and more infrastructure to support the spreading houses. Bradbury and his colleagues gave the following estimate for the amount of land used due to smaller households: “Assuming that each of the additional households occupies a 210 m2 house … then an additional 185,800 km2 of housing area would be required. This estimate may be conservative because land area for household-related infrastructure (e.g., roads, yards, and retail) can require 2–4 times as much land as the actual land used for the home.”[20] But not only are the number of houses per person growing, the houses tend to be larger: “In addition to increasing numbers of households, the global trend is toward larger homes. In the United States, homes more than doubled in size between 1950 and 2002 … In China, houses tripled in size with per capita floor space increasing … between 1978 and 2002.”[21] Further, “sprawl,” or a decreased density of houses, has affected land conservation: “Rising affluence has also contributed to sprawl, which magnifies the environmental impacts of housing by virtue of lowdensity development patterns that require both more land and automobile-based transportation infrastructure.” [22] In Effects of Global Household Proliferation, Liu argues that there are a great many negative effects of converting land to residential areas, including that it “reduces area for food production,” “pollutes water through release of household waste and changes hydrological cycles through land-use change,” “reduces area for production of fuel, wood, and fiber,” “destroys plants directly and indirectly,” “emits CO2,” “reduces areas (e.g., wetlands) for flood regulation,” “destroys organisms and habitat of organisms that can decompose waste and toxins,” “ harms organisms that can purify water and air,” and more.[23] A second consideration is the amount of energy, water, durable goods, and waste that is produced by the household unit. In a 2007 study, Liu and his co-author, Eunice Yu, found a clever way to measure the difference in use of resources. They studied the difference in uses of resources between married and divorced couples.[24] Their results were stunning. In terms of energy and resources, “in 2005, divorced households spent 46% and 56% more on electricity and water per person than married households. Divorced households in the U.S. could have saved more than 38 million rooms, 73 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity, and 627 billion gallons of water in 2005 alone if their resource-use efficiency had been comparable to married households.”[25] They also speculated that, “because of higher consumption per person, an individual in a divorced household may also generate more waste (solid, liquid, and gaseous material like greenhouse gases) that contributes to global environmental changes such as climate change and biodiversity loss… other studies show that waste per person increases with a decrease in household size.”[26] Since durable goods, such as large home appliances, are usually shared within a household, the authors of the 2014 study found that regular household goods also increase with household proliferation: “if the global trend toward household sizes of 2.5 continues, then at least 800 million additional durable household goods (e.g., televisions, refrigerators) would be needed even without population growth, assuming each household has one of each.”[27] (Emphasis ours.

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Humanum
Issues in Family, Culture & Science




Human Population and
Issue One - 2016




the Natural Environment:
Old Questions, New
Answers
CATHERINE PAKALUK




In 1798, Thomas Malthus problematized the question of human population growth relative to
natural resources in his essay on the Principle of Population: “This natural inequality of the two
powers of population and of production in the earth, and that great law of our nature which must
constantly keep their effects equal, form the great difficulty that to me appears insurmountable
in the way to the perfectibility of society.”[1] However, the difficulty that human population
would outstrip food production never reached the predicted Malthusian crisis for two reasons.
First, fertility rates did not increase after 1800, but rather slowed.[2] Second, due to advances in
agricultural technology, the food supply increased, and there is today more food per capita than
in any previous era.[3]

Theories that later based themselves on a Malthusian framework, such as Paul Ehrlich’s 1968
Population Bomb, speculated similarly that whatever the trends had been from 1800 through
1950, the future ratio of population growth to food production would become unsustainable,
and would ultimately lead to mass starvation. Ehrlich argued that human fertility must
decrease even further if human society were to flourish. However, the Population Bomb has
been largely discredited—both by subsequent works of scholarship and nearly fifty years of
counterfactual evidence.[4]

Since that time, with a change in emphasis, the environmental movement has been the primary
inheritor of Malthusian-Ehrlichian rhetoric. Where Malthus highlighted the tension between
human population and the quality of human life, the modern environmental movement has

, instead advanced a paradigm that sets human population in competition with the quality of the
natural environment. This latter is aimed not at the problem of human flourishing, but at the
problem of natural flourishing, understood to mean primarily the health and proliferation of
plants, wildlife and various habitats.[5] To wit, “Since the early 1970s, many researchers have
found correlations between [human] population size and impacts on resources including water,
air, and plant and wildlife species.”[6] For this reason, activists working from within the
environmental paradigm have tended to encourage limitations on human fertility and birth,
like Erlich, considering birth control to be environmentally friendly.[7]

The picture has become gradually more complex, however. To begin with, chemical-hormonal
contraceptives have come under scrutiny for emerging adverse effects of estrogenic compounds
on both natural and human ecology.[8] Moreover, environmental scholars have begun to argue
that the paradigm pitting human population against natural environment is itself overly
simplistic regarding the true relationship between human and ecological populations. In the
remainder of this essay, we draw attention to some contemporary studies that help to
characterize more accurately the relationship between human population and environmental
health.

~

In 2014, conservation biologists Mason Bradbury and Jianguo Liu from the Department of
Fisheries and Wildlife at Michigan State University, together with M. Nils Peterson from the
Fisheries, Wildlife, and Conservation Biology Program at North Carolina State University,
proposed a new equation for estimating the human impact on the environment.[9]

Where prior scholarly work estimated various models of the impact of human population per se
on environmental outcomes, Bradbury, Liu, and Peterson found that the absolute number of
households (and not the absolute number of people) was an equivalent, and in some cases
better, predictor of environmental impact.[10] They observed that variation in the grouping of
people into households determined consumption, waste, and impact.[11] Both the overall
number of households and the average household size were predictive of the consumption of
natural resources and environmental impact.

The importance of this discovery is clear given the recent observation that although “population
growth…is slowing and even reversing in some places,”[12] this “has not translated into
reducing human consumption of natural resources and impact on the environment.”[13] The
authors state:

The number of households is often equal to, or better than, population at predicting CO2
emissions […] fuelwood […] per capita automobile use […] and species endangerment. For
example, population growth accounted for only one-fourth of increased energy consumption in the
1970s and 1980s, whereas the remaining 3/4 was related to per capita increases driven largely by

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