, PLEASE USE THIS DOCUMENT AS A GUIDE ONLY
TABLE OF CONTENT
SECTION A: THE NATURE OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION FROM AN Page 3
AFRICAN AND DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE
SECTION B: INTERNATIONAL FLOW OF INFORMATION: MODEL AND Page 10
THEORIES
SECTION C: THE OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF Page 15
INFORMATION FLOWS ON A GLOBAL SCALE
, SECTION A: THE NATURE OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION FROM AN AFRICAN AND
DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE
Introduction: The Paradox of the Global Village
McLuhan's (1964) "global village" promised connection through technology, yet six decades later,
communication flows reveal persistent inequalities. The global village has power centres and
peripheries, shaped by historical forces. Thussu (2006, p. 8) notes these flows remain "unequal and
one-way, from the West to the rest."
Defining Globalisation and Digitalisation
Globalisation intensifies worldwide social relations (Giddens 1990, p. 64), while
digitalisation—converting information to binary code—enables convergence of telecommunications
and media (Hamelink 1995, p. 2). Together, they create the infrastructure for real-time global
communication (Castells 2010, p. 34).
The Need for an African and Decolonial Lens
Dominant narratives celebrate technology's democratising potential but obscure power asymmetries.
From a decolonial perspective, global communication architecture reflects historical colonialism.
Oyedemi (2024, p. 15) identifies "digital coloniality" in contemporary patterns. Decolonising media
studies requires centring marginalised perspectives (Mignolo 2011, p. 54; Chiumbu and Iqani 2024,
p. 3).
Thesis Statement
This essay argues digitalisation has not dismantled historical power structures in global media.
Through a decolonial African lens, it examines information flows and three policy categories
(Tehranian 1995) as frameworks for pursuing communicative justice.
1. QUESTION 01
1.1. In the context of globalisation and digitalisation, analyse how information flows through
international media organisations.
The Historical Topography of Information Flow
Contemporary global information flow is embedded in colonial legacies and Western economic
power. The "big four" agencies—Reuters, AP, AFP, and UPI—have dominated global news since
the nineteenth century, carving spheres of influence that mirror old colonial empires (New
Internationalist 1981). AFP remains strong in French-speaking Africa, AP and UPI in Latin America
and US-influenced Asia, while Reuters maintains presence across the Commonwealth. As a Reuters
chairman declared in 1930, the agency contributed immensely to "the maintenance of British
prestige" (New Internationalist 1981). These four agencies historically provided over 90 per cent of
foreign news printed globally, with the Third World receiving only 25 per cent of their reports
despite representing two-thirds of the world's population (New Internationalist 1981).
This topography persists digitally. Citizens of the Global South increasingly receive news through
Western-owned platforms—Google, Meta, and X—all headquartered in the United States, with
policies shaped by Western legal frameworks and commercial imperatives (Craft.co 2026). Meta
reports over 2.1 billion daily active users, while Apple's valuation exceeds 3.5 trillion dollars,
illustrating staggering Northern concentration of digital power (Craft.co 2026).
TABLE OF CONTENT
SECTION A: THE NATURE OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION FROM AN Page 3
AFRICAN AND DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE
SECTION B: INTERNATIONAL FLOW OF INFORMATION: MODEL AND Page 10
THEORIES
SECTION C: THE OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF Page 15
INFORMATION FLOWS ON A GLOBAL SCALE
, SECTION A: THE NATURE OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION FROM AN AFRICAN AND
DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE
Introduction: The Paradox of the Global Village
McLuhan's (1964) "global village" promised connection through technology, yet six decades later,
communication flows reveal persistent inequalities. The global village has power centres and
peripheries, shaped by historical forces. Thussu (2006, p. 8) notes these flows remain "unequal and
one-way, from the West to the rest."
Defining Globalisation and Digitalisation
Globalisation intensifies worldwide social relations (Giddens 1990, p. 64), while
digitalisation—converting information to binary code—enables convergence of telecommunications
and media (Hamelink 1995, p. 2). Together, they create the infrastructure for real-time global
communication (Castells 2010, p. 34).
The Need for an African and Decolonial Lens
Dominant narratives celebrate technology's democratising potential but obscure power asymmetries.
From a decolonial perspective, global communication architecture reflects historical colonialism.
Oyedemi (2024, p. 15) identifies "digital coloniality" in contemporary patterns. Decolonising media
studies requires centring marginalised perspectives (Mignolo 2011, p. 54; Chiumbu and Iqani 2024,
p. 3).
Thesis Statement
This essay argues digitalisation has not dismantled historical power structures in global media.
Through a decolonial African lens, it examines information flows and three policy categories
(Tehranian 1995) as frameworks for pursuing communicative justice.
1. QUESTION 01
1.1. In the context of globalisation and digitalisation, analyse how information flows through
international media organisations.
The Historical Topography of Information Flow
Contemporary global information flow is embedded in colonial legacies and Western economic
power. The "big four" agencies—Reuters, AP, AFP, and UPI—have dominated global news since
the nineteenth century, carving spheres of influence that mirror old colonial empires (New
Internationalist 1981). AFP remains strong in French-speaking Africa, AP and UPI in Latin America
and US-influenced Asia, while Reuters maintains presence across the Commonwealth. As a Reuters
chairman declared in 1930, the agency contributed immensely to "the maintenance of British
prestige" (New Internationalist 1981). These four agencies historically provided over 90 per cent of
foreign news printed globally, with the Third World receiving only 25 per cent of their reports
despite representing two-thirds of the world's population (New Internationalist 1981).
This topography persists digitally. Citizens of the Global South increasingly receive news through
Western-owned platforms—Google, Meta, and X—all headquartered in the United States, with
policies shaped by Western legal frameworks and commercial imperatives (Craft.co 2026). Meta
reports over 2.1 billion daily active users, while Apple's valuation exceeds 3.5 trillion dollars,
illustrating staggering Northern concentration of digital power (Craft.co 2026).
