How is crime represented in the right-of-centre media? What is problematic about such
representations? Why do they matter and why do they occur?
SOCG-2103
Within my assignment I will analyse how crimes committed by women are represented in the right
of centre media. Official statistics show that most crimes appear to be committed by males, whilst
the media amplifies crimes committed by women as extraordinary. Some sociologists argue that
statistics underestimate the amount of female as against male offending. For example, ‘49% of
women are more likely to be cautioned than prosecuted compared to 30% of men’(Office for
National Statistics , 2017). Despite this, Carlen suggests that women are more likely to be prosecuted
and negatively represented in the right of centre media as a result of deviating from gender
stereotypes (Carlen, 1989, p.22).
Official statistics show that by the ‘age of 40, 9% of females have a criminal conviction, compared to
32% of males’ (Office for National Statistics, 2017). However, these figures do not consider those
that go unreported and therefore lacks validity as some sociologists argue that female crimes tend
to be reported less. For instance, crimes commonly associated with women such as shoplifting and
prostitution are less likely to be reported in the media. Whereas violent crimes that tend to be
committed by men gain media attention and become amplified due to the vigorous nature of the
crime. This can be seen in Marsh’s study of news reporting in America, which found that a violent
crime was thirty-six more times likely to be reported than property crime (Marsh, 2008, p.32).
Another explanation can be seen in the form of the chivalry hypothesis theory. According to this
view, women who commit offences are treated more leniently than men within the criminal justice
system, ‘particularly so if they display gender-appropriate behaviours and characteristics’
(Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009; Visher, 1983, p.226-228). In relation to media depictions of
crime, this may be assumed to lead to media reports on female offenders ‘presenting a more
explanatory description of their offences than would be the case for their male counterparts’
(Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009, p.226-228). For instance, American news articles by Grabe,
Trager, Lear and Rauch (2006), argues women receive milder treatment from the media than men
who commit similar offences (Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009, p.226-228). It can be noted,
however, that females who commit offences constitute towards a more serious breach of gender
norms, including violent crimes and crimes against children which are treated more harshly.
Additionally, evidence from self-report studies also suggest that female offenders are treated more
leniently. For example, Box found that while only ‘1:11 female self-report offenders had been
cautioned, the figure for males was over one in seven self-report offenders’ (Sharp and Mayhew,
2005). Contrary to this, Morris’s study of 408 offences of theft in a magistrates court found that
women were not sentenced more leniently for comparable offences (Farrington and Morris, 1983,
p.229). Moreover, it can be argued that minor crimes such as theft tend to be judged more equally.
From a feminist approach authority institutions, such as the criminal justice system and the media is
considered bias towards women. Heidensohn argues, the media’s portrayal of women is more harsh
than males when they deviate from gender norms (Nilsson and Peterson, 2019). Particularly, women
who do not conform to ‘accepted standards of monogamous heterosexuality and motherhood are
, punished more harshly’ (Nilsson and Peterson, 2019). Similarly, Carlen agrees that when women are
prosecuted, ‘it is not for the seriousness of their crimes but more because they go against gender
stereotypes’ (Carlen, 1989, p.22). Thus, from a feminist perspective these double standards exist due
to the patriarchal nature of the right of centre media and the criminal justice system which is
considered male dominated (Carlen, 1989, p.22).
When analysing gender in conjunction to class, it is apparent that working class women tend to
receive more negative press in the media. They become labelled as deviant by both the criminal
justice system and the public. This can be seen in carlen’s study using unstructured interviews.
Carlen conducted a study of ‘thirty nine, 15-46 year old working class women who had been
convicted for a range of crimes’ (Hall, 2019). Within this study Carlen argues that working class
women are generally led to conform through promises of two types of rewards or deals. The first is
the class deal, whereby women who work will be offered material rewards, with a decent standard
of living and leisure opportunities (Hall, 2019). Secondly, the gender deal which patriarchal ideology
promises women material and emotional rewards from family life by conforming to the norms of a
conventional domestic gender role (Hall, 2019). However, if these rewards are not available or worth
the effort, crime becomes more likely. This was reflected in Carlen’s results as many women had
reached the conclusion that crime was the only route to a decent standard of living (Hall, 2019).
They had nothing to lose but everything to gain, many with backgrounds including poverty and
oppressive childhoods. These details tend to be cut out of the media, rather than being represented
as victims they are labelled as ‘deviant’. The media are selective in what they expose to the public,
giving a distorted picture of crime by women, reflecting the fact that news is a mere social
construction. On the contrary, the media tends to exaggerate the risk of victimisation, especially to
women. Felson calls this the ‘dramatic fallacy’, where the media overplay extraordinary crimes and
underplays ordinary crimes (Felson, 2012).
While females comprise of approximately ‘53% of violent crime victims’ (Office for National
Statistics, 2019), it can be argued that female offenders of violent crime experience increased
coverage within the media (Office for National Statistics, 2019). Studies show that ‘one third of
violent crime stories’ in the media are in connection with female offenders in particular (Marsh and
Melville, 2009, p.68-70). According to Naylor, a majority of stories concerning female offenders in
the media are higher than those recorded in official statistics. For instance, Naylor (2001) found ‘21%
of newspaper articles about violent offences constituted female offenders’ (Naylor, 2001; Office for
National Statistics, 2013). Despite this, in recent years some ‘88,139 women were arrested for
violence over 12 months - nearly 250 every day (Slack, 2010). That is an increase of nearly 1,000 on
previous years (Slack, 2010). Therefore, the statistics suggest that female violent crime is in fact
rising. It has been argued that it is the ‘Government's failure to get to grips with a range of social
problems’ (Slack, 2010). Experts have also blamed increasing levels of drunkenness among young
women on Labour’s 24-hour drinking laws as a contributing factor (Slack, 2010). The increasing crime
rates means an increase of media coverage, however, the stories are selected to be more novel and
dramatic, in order to cater to an audience and ‘sell’ stories (Kidd-Hewitt and Osborne, 1996).
Furthermore, Chermak (1998), noted that criminal offences committed by individuals and groups
that are perceived as most likely to commit crimes were less capturing, and strengthen peoples
perceptions as opposed to crimes that deviate from the ‘norm’ (Chermak, 1998, p.60-61).
representations? Why do they matter and why do they occur?
SOCG-2103
Within my assignment I will analyse how crimes committed by women are represented in the right
of centre media. Official statistics show that most crimes appear to be committed by males, whilst
the media amplifies crimes committed by women as extraordinary. Some sociologists argue that
statistics underestimate the amount of female as against male offending. For example, ‘49% of
women are more likely to be cautioned than prosecuted compared to 30% of men’(Office for
National Statistics , 2017). Despite this, Carlen suggests that women are more likely to be prosecuted
and negatively represented in the right of centre media as a result of deviating from gender
stereotypes (Carlen, 1989, p.22).
Official statistics show that by the ‘age of 40, 9% of females have a criminal conviction, compared to
32% of males’ (Office for National Statistics, 2017). However, these figures do not consider those
that go unreported and therefore lacks validity as some sociologists argue that female crimes tend
to be reported less. For instance, crimes commonly associated with women such as shoplifting and
prostitution are less likely to be reported in the media. Whereas violent crimes that tend to be
committed by men gain media attention and become amplified due to the vigorous nature of the
crime. This can be seen in Marsh’s study of news reporting in America, which found that a violent
crime was thirty-six more times likely to be reported than property crime (Marsh, 2008, p.32).
Another explanation can be seen in the form of the chivalry hypothesis theory. According to this
view, women who commit offences are treated more leniently than men within the criminal justice
system, ‘particularly so if they display gender-appropriate behaviours and characteristics’
(Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009; Visher, 1983, p.226-228). In relation to media depictions of
crime, this may be assumed to lead to media reports on female offenders ‘presenting a more
explanatory description of their offences than would be the case for their male counterparts’
(Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009, p.226-228). For instance, American news articles by Grabe,
Trager, Lear and Rauch (2006), argues women receive milder treatment from the media than men
who commit similar offences (Kruttschnitt and Savolainen, 2009, p.226-228). It can be noted,
however, that females who commit offences constitute towards a more serious breach of gender
norms, including violent crimes and crimes against children which are treated more harshly.
Additionally, evidence from self-report studies also suggest that female offenders are treated more
leniently. For example, Box found that while only ‘1:11 female self-report offenders had been
cautioned, the figure for males was over one in seven self-report offenders’ (Sharp and Mayhew,
2005). Contrary to this, Morris’s study of 408 offences of theft in a magistrates court found that
women were not sentenced more leniently for comparable offences (Farrington and Morris, 1983,
p.229). Moreover, it can be argued that minor crimes such as theft tend to be judged more equally.
From a feminist approach authority institutions, such as the criminal justice system and the media is
considered bias towards women. Heidensohn argues, the media’s portrayal of women is more harsh
than males when they deviate from gender norms (Nilsson and Peterson, 2019). Particularly, women
who do not conform to ‘accepted standards of monogamous heterosexuality and motherhood are
, punished more harshly’ (Nilsson and Peterson, 2019). Similarly, Carlen agrees that when women are
prosecuted, ‘it is not for the seriousness of their crimes but more because they go against gender
stereotypes’ (Carlen, 1989, p.22). Thus, from a feminist perspective these double standards exist due
to the patriarchal nature of the right of centre media and the criminal justice system which is
considered male dominated (Carlen, 1989, p.22).
When analysing gender in conjunction to class, it is apparent that working class women tend to
receive more negative press in the media. They become labelled as deviant by both the criminal
justice system and the public. This can be seen in carlen’s study using unstructured interviews.
Carlen conducted a study of ‘thirty nine, 15-46 year old working class women who had been
convicted for a range of crimes’ (Hall, 2019). Within this study Carlen argues that working class
women are generally led to conform through promises of two types of rewards or deals. The first is
the class deal, whereby women who work will be offered material rewards, with a decent standard
of living and leisure opportunities (Hall, 2019). Secondly, the gender deal which patriarchal ideology
promises women material and emotional rewards from family life by conforming to the norms of a
conventional domestic gender role (Hall, 2019). However, if these rewards are not available or worth
the effort, crime becomes more likely. This was reflected in Carlen’s results as many women had
reached the conclusion that crime was the only route to a decent standard of living (Hall, 2019).
They had nothing to lose but everything to gain, many with backgrounds including poverty and
oppressive childhoods. These details tend to be cut out of the media, rather than being represented
as victims they are labelled as ‘deviant’. The media are selective in what they expose to the public,
giving a distorted picture of crime by women, reflecting the fact that news is a mere social
construction. On the contrary, the media tends to exaggerate the risk of victimisation, especially to
women. Felson calls this the ‘dramatic fallacy’, where the media overplay extraordinary crimes and
underplays ordinary crimes (Felson, 2012).
While females comprise of approximately ‘53% of violent crime victims’ (Office for National
Statistics, 2019), it can be argued that female offenders of violent crime experience increased
coverage within the media (Office for National Statistics, 2019). Studies show that ‘one third of
violent crime stories’ in the media are in connection with female offenders in particular (Marsh and
Melville, 2009, p.68-70). According to Naylor, a majority of stories concerning female offenders in
the media are higher than those recorded in official statistics. For instance, Naylor (2001) found ‘21%
of newspaper articles about violent offences constituted female offenders’ (Naylor, 2001; Office for
National Statistics, 2013). Despite this, in recent years some ‘88,139 women were arrested for
violence over 12 months - nearly 250 every day (Slack, 2010). That is an increase of nearly 1,000 on
previous years (Slack, 2010). Therefore, the statistics suggest that female violent crime is in fact
rising. It has been argued that it is the ‘Government's failure to get to grips with a range of social
problems’ (Slack, 2010). Experts have also blamed increasing levels of drunkenness among young
women on Labour’s 24-hour drinking laws as a contributing factor (Slack, 2010). The increasing crime
rates means an increase of media coverage, however, the stories are selected to be more novel and
dramatic, in order to cater to an audience and ‘sell’ stories (Kidd-Hewitt and Osborne, 1996).
Furthermore, Chermak (1998), noted that criminal offences committed by individuals and groups
that are perceived as most likely to commit crimes were less capturing, and strengthen peoples
perceptions as opposed to crimes that deviate from the ‘norm’ (Chermak, 1998, p.60-61).
