Part I: Thinking about Psychopathology
Chapter 1: Conceptions of Psychopathology: A Social Constructionist Perspective
Chapter 2: Biological Bases of Psychopathology
Chapter 3: Developmental Psychopathology: Basic Principles
Chapter 4: Cultural Dimensions of Psychopathology: The Social World’s Impact on
Mental Disorders
Chapter 5: The Role of Gender, Race, and Class in Psychopathology
Chapter 6: Classification and Diagnosis: Historical Development and
Contemporary Issues
Chapter 7: Psychological Assessment and Clinical Judgment
Chapter 8: Psychotherapy Research
Part II: Common Problems of Adulthood
Chapter 9: Anxiety Disorders, Obsessive-Compulsive, and Related Disorders
Chapter 10: Posttraumatic Stress Disorder
Chapter 11: Depressive, Bipolar, and Related Disorders
Chapter 12: Schizophrenia Spectrum and Other Psychotic Disorders
Chapter 13: Personality Disorders
Chapter 14: Sexual Dysfunctions and Paraphilic Disorders
Chapter 15: Somatic Symptom Disorders and Dissociative Disorders
Chapter 16: Dissociative Disorders
Chapter 17: Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders
Chapter 18: Mental Health and Aging
Part III: Common Problems of Childhood and Adolescence
Chapter 19: Externalizing Disorders of Childhood and Adolescence
Chapter 20: Internalizing Disorders of Childhood and Adolescence
Chapter 21: Cognitive and Learning Disorders of Childhood and Adolescence
Chapter 22: Eating Disorders
Chapter 23: Gender Dysphoria
Chapter 24: Autism Spectrum Disorders
,Chapter 1 – Conceptions of Psychopathology: A Social Constructionist
Perspective
1.
A 19-year-old university student reports hearing the voice of a deceased grandmother
during culturally sanctioned mourning rituals. The student is otherwise functioning well
academically and socially, and family members interpret the experience as comforting
and normative. A clinician unfamiliar with the culture documents “auditory
hallucinations” and recommends antipsychotic medication. Which interpretation best
reflects a social constructionist approach?
A. The symptom is pathological because it meets the hallucination definition regardless
of culture
B. The experience is best understood as culturally mediated meaning-making rather
than a universal marker of illness
C. The experience is biologically caused and therefore requires medical treatment
D. The experience is malingering because it cannot be objectively verified
Answer: B
Rationale:
A social constructionist view emphasizes that what counts as “symptom” versus “normal
experience” is shaped by cultural narratives, institutional practices, and context. In this
case, the experience occurs within a culturally recognized mourning frame and is not
associated with impairment—so pathologizing it reflects a culturally narrow diagnostic
lens rather than an objective biological truth. A assumes DSM-style universality and
ignores cultural meaning. C prematurely reduces the experience to biology without
functional evidence. D misuses “objectivity” to imply deception; unverifiability does not
equal malingering.
Key words: culture, mourning, hallucination, meaning, diagnosis bias
2.
,A city introduces a policy requiring employers to report “psychological instability” to a
government registry for workers in transportation jobs. After implementation, referrals
for “anxiety disorder” surge among workers who previously reported mild stress without
impairment. Which concept best explains the surge from a social constructionist
perspective?
A. Increased genetic risk in transportation workers
B. Diagnostic expansion driven by institutional incentives and surveillance
C. A rise in true disorder prevalence due to neurochemical shifts
D. Improved measurement reliability eliminating false positives
Answer: B
Rationale:
Social constructionism highlights how institutions (law, workplace policy, surveillance)
can reshape what behaviors are labeled pathological, increasing diagnoses via
administrative pressure and risk-management incentives. A and C locate causation in
biology without evidence. D confuses reliability with validity; standardized reporting may
increase consistency while worsening over-pathologizing.
Key words: institutional power, surveillance, diagnostic expansion, labeling
3.
Two clinicians evaluate the same client: a 28-year-old who refuses to speak in meetings,
avoids eye contact, and prefers solitary work. Clinician 1 diagnoses Social Anxiety
Disorder; clinician 2 documents “introversion within occupational mismatch,”
recommending job redesign. Which factor most strongly supports clinician 2’s
formulation?
A. The client meets DSM criteria for social anxiety
B. The client’s behavior violates workplace norms but does not cause subjective distress
or functional impairment outside that context
C. Introversion is always non-pathological
D. The second clinician is using a biological model
Answer: B
,Rationale:
Social constructionist thinking distinguishes norm violation from dysfunction. If the
“problem” primarily reflects a mismatch between workplace expectations and the
person’s preferred interaction style—without distress/impairment broadly—then
labeling it as a disorder may reflect institutional norms rather than pathology. A
assumes criteria automatically equal disorder, ignoring context. C is absolute and false—
introversion can still be distressing or impairing in some contexts. D is incorrect: the
second clinician is emphasizing context and norms, not biology.
Key words: norm violation, impairment, occupational context, introversion
4.
A diagnostic committee debates whether “prolonged grief disorder” should be
expanded to include bereavement lasting >3 months. Advocacy groups argue it will
pathologize normal mourning, while insurers claim it enables access to care. From a
social constructionist stance, which is the most appropriate framing?
A. The committee should follow neurobiological evidence only
B. The debate reveals how diagnosis functions as both a clinical tool and a social
institution with consequences
C. Expanding the diagnosis is purely beneficial because more people will qualify for
treatment
D. The diagnosis is meaningless because all disorders are fictitious
Answer: B
Rationale:
Social constructionism focuses on how diagnostic categories are negotiated and how
they shape identities, services, stigma, and social control. The category’s boundaries are
not just scientific facts; they are institutional decisions with real impacts. A reduces
diagnosis to biology alone. C ignores harms like stigma and overmedicalization. D is an
overreach; social constructionism does not require denying suffering or all reality.
Key words: grief, diagnosis politics, access vs pathologizing, social institution
5.
,A teenager is repeatedly disciplined for “defiance” at school for questioning rules and
protesting dress codes. Later, the student is referred for Oppositional Defiant Disorder
evaluation. Which question best reflects norm violation vs dysfunction differentiation?
A. “How many symptoms can be counted on a checklist?”
B. “Do these behaviors persist across settings and produce clinically significant
impairment or distress independent of institutional conflict?”
C. “Does the student’s behavior annoy authority figures?”
D. “Is the student genetically predisposed to impulsivity?”
Answer: B
Rationale:
Distinguishing norm violation from dysfunction requires assessing cross-context
stability, impairment, and the possibility that the “problem” is conflict with institutional
power rather than psychopathology. A risks mechanistic labeling. C equates annoyance
with disorder. D may be relevant in other models but does not address the core
distinction.
Key words: ODD, school discipline, context, impairment, institutional conflict
6.
A 34-year-old woman reports episodes of intense anger and tearfulness after
experiencing workplace harassment. Her supervisor insists she is “emotionally unstable,”
and HR requests a psychiatric evaluation. Which interpretation is most consistent with
social constructionist critique?
A. Emotional responses to injustice should be classified as mood disorders
B. The label “emotionally unstable” may function to individualize and depoliticize a
workplace power problem
C. Workplace harassment causes bipolar disorder
D. Psychiatric evaluation is always invalid in workplace settings
Answer: B
Rationale:
Constructionist critique often highlights how psychiatric labels can be used to shift
attention away from structural or relational harm by reframing it as an individual defect.
,A medicalizes normal response. C is a causal leap. D is absolutist; evaluations can be
appropriate, but constructionism urges careful attention to context and power.
Key words: harassment, power, depoliticize, labeling, workplace
7.
A community clinic launches a “screen everyone” program using a brief symptom
questionnaire. Positive screens are automatically recorded as “depression” in the EHR
problem list before a clinical interview. What is the most serious constructionist
concern?
A. The tool’s sensitivity is too high
B. Screening is unethical because symptoms should never be measured
C. Institutional processes may reify distress into disorder via administrative labeling,
shaping identity and treatment pathways
D. Depression is always biologically determined
Answer: C
Rationale:
Constructionism emphasizes how institutional practices can transform transient distress
into “a disorder” through labeling and documentation, creating downstream
consequences (medication, stigma, insurance coding). A is technical but incomplete;
sensitivity/specificity matter, but the deeper concern is reification and institutional
power. B is extreme. D is irrelevant.
Key words: screening, reification, EHR label, administrative diagnosis, stigma
8.
A 40-year-old man with panic symptoms says, “I’m broken; my brain is defective.” His
clinician explains panic as a learned fear response maintained by avoidance and
misinterpretation of bodily sensations. Which constructionist mechanism is the clinician
most directly countering?
, A. Genetic determinism
B. Label internalization and identity transformation (“I am my diagnosis”)
C. Pharmacological tolerance
D. Operant conditioning
Answer: B
Rationale:
While panic can involve learning processes, the question asks about constructionist
mechanisms. The clinician is countering the way diagnostic/medical narratives can
reshape self-concept into a damaged identity. A may be adjacent but narrower than
identity effects. C is irrelevant. D is a behavioral mechanism, not the constructionist
target here.
Key words: identity, internalization, medical narrative, panic, self-concept
9.
In one country, “ataque de nervios” is a recognized idiom of distress with accepted
social scripts; in another, similar presentations are diagnosed as panic disorder. What is
the best test-bank task aligned with cross-cultural reclassification?
A. Recall DSM-5 criteria for panic disorder verbatim
B. Choose which country is scientifically correct
C. Analyze how meaning, context, and institutional frameworks transform similar
experiences into different diagnostic categories
D. Assume both are the same disorder with identical etiology
Answer: C
Rationale:
Cross-cultural reclassification asks students to examine how sociocultural meaning and
institutional practices shape diagnostic boundaries. A is rote recall. B implies one
“correct” culture. D erases cultural specificity and assumes equivalence.
Key words: culture-bound idioms, panic, classification, meaning, reclassification