Paper 2: South Africa
Revision Notes Chapter Four: The End of Apartheid
Why did the townships revolt in the years 1984-87?
The Revolt of the Townships
Botha’s reforms recognised that elements of apartheid had not been effective. Reform was
designed not to end white power but to find new routes to preserve it. Botha’s government
continued to invest large amounts in the homelands in the hope that they would become viable
independent states.
Sought to win black allies and give them political responsibility and local political power.
Community Council Act, 1977 and the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, offered black people
new urban black councils and the government hoped that elected black councillors would defuse
discontent. Had power to allocate housing, employ local officials, award contracts and grant
business licences.
Most urban voters refused to participate, but some township residents were keen on taking
office, believing they could make a difference from within, e.g. Sam Buti in Alexandra.
Councillors were often seen as ‘sell-outs’.
The government also devolved the task of raising revenue locally. Most people lived in council
housing and paid rent, which absorbed most of their household budget. It was clear that
councils had to increase rent to break even or improve facilities.
Devolution was intended to create a buffer and pass responsibility to black allies, but it
fragmented authority and created confusion. - intended to pass bl anger to bl local authorities
rather than directed at the gov
The UDF and grass roots organisations
The United Democratic Front mobilised against Botha’s measures and argued for a fully
democratic SA.
August 1983, rally at Mitchell’s Plain in Cape Town. A huge Coloured township chosen to
emphasise the non-racial character of the movement. Residents forcibly removed from District
Six. Attended by approximately 10,000 people from 500 organisations.
Winnie Mandela and Albertina Sisulu, who had both previously identified with the ANC, were at
the heart of the UDF. Also included a new generation of articulate national leaders, e.g.
Desmond Tutu and Frank Chikane.
UDF adopted the Freedom Charter but didn’t advocate armed struggle. Instrumental in
organising boycotts of the Indian (13% voted) and Coloured (18% voted) parliaments and
township councils. Rendered Botha’s institutions inoperable as representative bodies.
UDF was a broad umbrella of different strands of opposition. An affiliation of grass roots
movements such as TU’s, church groups etc.
1983 Congress of SA Students (COSAS) aligned with UDF. Established itself in the Transvaal in
1984 with the Million Signatures Campaign.
Also sought the abandonment of the Bantustans, and many of its activities were organised
there.
Possibly had as many as 2 million supporters. Strong support from SAIC and COSATU. Organised
strikes and 6m working days lost in 1987
, Programme of ‘People’s Organs, People’s Power. Used local organisations to plan activities
including rent strikes and consumer boycotts, and organised local courts to oversee
communities. By 1989 rent arrears had reached 0.5 billion Rand.
The UDF was banned in 1987, and many supporters were arrested, but it continued because
there was no central organisation for the security forces to target.
Protest Strategies
Late 1984 violent tactics increasingly attractive to new protesters, despite the UDF not
supporting such tactics. Open rebellion in parts of SA.
175 people were killed in violent demonstrations against rent increases in the Pretoria-
Witwatersrand-Vereeniging area.
3rd September 1984, the day that the tricameral parliament opened in Cape Town, uprising in the
Vaal Triangle. Councillors were killed in Sharpeville and Sebokeng.
The Vaal Civic Association, affiliated with the UDF, initially led protests but lost control.
The youth were angry and willing to exact vengeance. Tried to establish their own system of
clandestine communication and formed tight networks. Rapid overturn of leadership among the
new generation of protesters as members of the UDF were detained.
1980s COSAS led the call to free Mandela and 1984-85 called for a renewed school boycott.
Organised a massive stayaway in Nov 1984, working with TU’s.
Oct 1984, ANC in exile issued a call for ‘making our country ungovernable’. Communicated
through its Radio Freedom, which helped to shape the consciousness and language of the
militant youth.
1985 protest climaxed. Government and council offices burnt down. Toyi-toyi dance cemented
crowd solidarity. ANC flags began appearing at public events. ‘People’s power’ became the
slogan of the movement.
1985 ANC called for a people’s war and sent MK cadres into SA. Armed struggle not restricted to
sabotage. 1983 bombing of SA Air Force HQ = 19 deaths and 200 injuries. 1985 137 attacks and
31 MK members killed.
Youths in SA saw themselves as ‘comrades’, furthering armed struggle. Directly identified with
the ANC as the legitimate liberation movement.
In 1985 alone over 800 people were killed in political violence.
Alexandra, Johannesburg
Revolt broke out in 1986 and known as the ‘Sic Day War’. Triggered by the shooting of youth
activist Michael Diradeng by a security guard (5 year sentence!) in Jan.
Night vigil 14th Feb. Comrades mobilised mass participation and petrol bombed the site of the
shooting, the shop Jazz Stores, on the way. Stoned cars and burnt shops and houses.
A policeman was stabbed on the morning of 15 th February.
Diradeng’s funeral took place accompanied by attacks on police and councillors’ homes. Police
tear-gassed and fired on a crowd of 6,000 youth and 4 killed. A rally of 40,000 was organised at
the stadium.
The rebellion did not end after this intense period of violence. Youths/ Comtsotsis tried to
establish an alternative order in the shape of the people’s courts. Necklacing and casual violence
against those who broke boycotts or didn’t participate in stayaways.
The youth were trying to move beyond ungovernability towards institution building, and running
the township themselves.
Revision Notes Chapter Four: The End of Apartheid
Why did the townships revolt in the years 1984-87?
The Revolt of the Townships
Botha’s reforms recognised that elements of apartheid had not been effective. Reform was
designed not to end white power but to find new routes to preserve it. Botha’s government
continued to invest large amounts in the homelands in the hope that they would become viable
independent states.
Sought to win black allies and give them political responsibility and local political power.
Community Council Act, 1977 and the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, offered black people
new urban black councils and the government hoped that elected black councillors would defuse
discontent. Had power to allocate housing, employ local officials, award contracts and grant
business licences.
Most urban voters refused to participate, but some township residents were keen on taking
office, believing they could make a difference from within, e.g. Sam Buti in Alexandra.
Councillors were often seen as ‘sell-outs’.
The government also devolved the task of raising revenue locally. Most people lived in council
housing and paid rent, which absorbed most of their household budget. It was clear that
councils had to increase rent to break even or improve facilities.
Devolution was intended to create a buffer and pass responsibility to black allies, but it
fragmented authority and created confusion. - intended to pass bl anger to bl local authorities
rather than directed at the gov
The UDF and grass roots organisations
The United Democratic Front mobilised against Botha’s measures and argued for a fully
democratic SA.
August 1983, rally at Mitchell’s Plain in Cape Town. A huge Coloured township chosen to
emphasise the non-racial character of the movement. Residents forcibly removed from District
Six. Attended by approximately 10,000 people from 500 organisations.
Winnie Mandela and Albertina Sisulu, who had both previously identified with the ANC, were at
the heart of the UDF. Also included a new generation of articulate national leaders, e.g.
Desmond Tutu and Frank Chikane.
UDF adopted the Freedom Charter but didn’t advocate armed struggle. Instrumental in
organising boycotts of the Indian (13% voted) and Coloured (18% voted) parliaments and
township councils. Rendered Botha’s institutions inoperable as representative bodies.
UDF was a broad umbrella of different strands of opposition. An affiliation of grass roots
movements such as TU’s, church groups etc.
1983 Congress of SA Students (COSAS) aligned with UDF. Established itself in the Transvaal in
1984 with the Million Signatures Campaign.
Also sought the abandonment of the Bantustans, and many of its activities were organised
there.
Possibly had as many as 2 million supporters. Strong support from SAIC and COSATU. Organised
strikes and 6m working days lost in 1987
, Programme of ‘People’s Organs, People’s Power. Used local organisations to plan activities
including rent strikes and consumer boycotts, and organised local courts to oversee
communities. By 1989 rent arrears had reached 0.5 billion Rand.
The UDF was banned in 1987, and many supporters were arrested, but it continued because
there was no central organisation for the security forces to target.
Protest Strategies
Late 1984 violent tactics increasingly attractive to new protesters, despite the UDF not
supporting such tactics. Open rebellion in parts of SA.
175 people were killed in violent demonstrations against rent increases in the Pretoria-
Witwatersrand-Vereeniging area.
3rd September 1984, the day that the tricameral parliament opened in Cape Town, uprising in the
Vaal Triangle. Councillors were killed in Sharpeville and Sebokeng.
The Vaal Civic Association, affiliated with the UDF, initially led protests but lost control.
The youth were angry and willing to exact vengeance. Tried to establish their own system of
clandestine communication and formed tight networks. Rapid overturn of leadership among the
new generation of protesters as members of the UDF were detained.
1980s COSAS led the call to free Mandela and 1984-85 called for a renewed school boycott.
Organised a massive stayaway in Nov 1984, working with TU’s.
Oct 1984, ANC in exile issued a call for ‘making our country ungovernable’. Communicated
through its Radio Freedom, which helped to shape the consciousness and language of the
militant youth.
1985 protest climaxed. Government and council offices burnt down. Toyi-toyi dance cemented
crowd solidarity. ANC flags began appearing at public events. ‘People’s power’ became the
slogan of the movement.
1985 ANC called for a people’s war and sent MK cadres into SA. Armed struggle not restricted to
sabotage. 1983 bombing of SA Air Force HQ = 19 deaths and 200 injuries. 1985 137 attacks and
31 MK members killed.
Youths in SA saw themselves as ‘comrades’, furthering armed struggle. Directly identified with
the ANC as the legitimate liberation movement.
In 1985 alone over 800 people were killed in political violence.
Alexandra, Johannesburg
Revolt broke out in 1986 and known as the ‘Sic Day War’. Triggered by the shooting of youth
activist Michael Diradeng by a security guard (5 year sentence!) in Jan.
Night vigil 14th Feb. Comrades mobilised mass participation and petrol bombed the site of the
shooting, the shop Jazz Stores, on the way. Stoned cars and burnt shops and houses.
A policeman was stabbed on the morning of 15 th February.
Diradeng’s funeral took place accompanied by attacks on police and councillors’ homes. Police
tear-gassed and fired on a crowd of 6,000 youth and 4 killed. A rally of 40,000 was organised at
the stadium.
The rebellion did not end after this intense period of violence. Youths/ Comtsotsis tried to
establish an alternative order in the shape of the people’s courts. Necklacing and casual violence
against those who broke boycotts or didn’t participate in stayaways.
The youth were trying to move beyond ungovernability towards institution building, and running
the township themselves.
