In what ways can the Aeneid be described as a nationalist poem?
Introduction
- Definition of nationalism: different to that determined after WW2 – here
how a sense of a country could be created, overall a cultural identity
and the belonging and loyalty to a state or patriot
- Aeneid can be described as a nationalist poem through its presentation
of the war, including the shield of Aeneas; the role of fate/the gods;
portrayal of the Roman ideal; physical description of Italy
Presentation of the war (The Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid
(Pogorzelski, 2009):
a) Aeneid projects new concepts of Italian unification onto an ancient
past as ‘a natural and permanent state to which Augustan Rome
gives political expression’
b) The Latin War is presented as more than just a civil war, but one
between brothers – Juno explicitly gives Allecto the power ‘to arm
for battle like-minded brothers’, ‘unanimos armare in proelia fratres’
(Aen. 7.335)
c) Why depict this as a Civil War?
Some such as Otis (Virgil, a Study in Civilized Poetry,1964, 317)
and Putnam (The Poetry of the Aeneid: Four Studies in
Imaginative Unity and Design, 1965, 192) argue that this
interpretation of a civil war is to draw parallels with Augustus,
whether to negative or positive effects
Others such as Hardie (Virgil’s Cosmos and Imperium, 135) claim
that this allows for a displacement of military chaos to the past,
allowing for a clean and untarnished future
Pogorzelski himself argues that ‘the Aeneid defines Roman
identity not only against the negative characteristics of the East
but also a positive geographical association of Romanness with
Italy’
By presenting this as a Civil War, there is also a possibility to
create a sense of unity and ‘overcome the individual experience
of death and loss with collective identity’ and ‘draw power from
collective mourning’ (Anderson, Imagined Communities:
Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 1991, 9-11)
- Catalogue or ‘roll-call’ of Italian leaders (Aen. 7.648-815) (Parry, The
Two Voices of Virgil’s Aeneid, 1963)
a) Was originally a more restrictive definition of Italy, Gaul only gained
political unity after the Social War and Cisalpine Gaul became
included in Augustus’ time as Italy ‘reached its natural Alpine
frontiers’ (The Oxford Classical Dictionary), however everything
South of the Alps was informally known as Italy after Polybius’ time,
Italy as a ‘terra hospita’, ‘welcoming land’, accepting of all migrants
(Aen. 3.539)
b) Adds a sense of unity and nationalism through the names and traits
directly following one another
c) A Homeric form with epithets, names of heroes etc.
, d) Singles out a specific characteristic of each Latin fighter e.g.
Mezentius, ‘scorner of the gods’, ‘contemptor divum’ (Aen. 7.648)
e) There are also Greeks among them, but these count as Italians –
Roman citizenship could be easily acquired, even when born abroad,
often for military service or intermarriage
Presentation of the Battle of Actium on the shield of Aeneas (The
Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid (Pogorzelski, 2009):
a) ‘By representing the Latin War as a civil war, the Aeneid asserts that
the ancient inhabitants of Italy, although temporarily and tragically
divided, have always formed a natural unit’
b) Italian leader against Eastern armies in the shield’s depiction of the
Battle of Actium (‘here is Augustus Caesar leading the Italians into
battle’, hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar’ (Aen. 8.678)),
sense of national identity vs the contrasting opponent, ‘as varied in
languages as in manner of dress and in arms’, ‘quam variae linguis,
habitu tam vestis et armis’ (Aen. 8.723)
c) Both nature and the gods are referenced creating a unified support
for the Italian fight and its army: ‘you would believe that the
Cyclades, uprooted, were sailing on the sea or that high mountains
were rushing against mountains’, ‘pelago credas innare revulsas /
Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos’ (Aen. 8.691-2);
‘monstrous forms of every kind of god and the barker Anubis wield
weapons against Neptune and Venus and against Minerva’,
‘omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis / contra
Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam / tela tenent’ (Aen.
8.698-700)
d) Augustus makes sacrificial offerings to the Italian gods as a whole:
‘Caesar… was dedicating an everlasting offering to the Italian gods’,
‘Caesar… dis Italis votum immortale sacrabat’ (Aen. 8.714-5)
The role of fate/the gods
a) An idea of Italian nationalism is even requested by the gods as Juno
asks that Rome be Italian, not Trojan: ‘let the Roman progeny be
strong with Italian virtue’, ‘sit Romana potens Itala virtute propago’
(Aen. 12.827) (The Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid
(Pogorzelski, 2009
b) There seems to be a struggle for Aeneas between his relationships
(e.g. with Dido in Book 4) and his sense of nationalist duty/fate to
Italy, however he does consistently forego his own personal desires
for the good of the state
c) ‘It is not by my own will that I search for Italy’, ‘Italiam non sponte
sequor’ (Aen. 4. 361) – implies a connection between his nationalism
and fate, seemingly a lack of free will – this could cause the poem to
seem less nationalistic as here Aeneas appears to be content with
his life with Dido, but is being forced to pursue Italy
d) However as Dido can be seen as Cleopatra (enemy of Rome), there
was the potential for Aeneas to become Antony – thus Italy and his
loyalty to this are what save him from the possibility of ‘losing a
world for love’, instead allowing him to be the Augustan figure
Introduction
- Definition of nationalism: different to that determined after WW2 – here
how a sense of a country could be created, overall a cultural identity
and the belonging and loyalty to a state or patriot
- Aeneid can be described as a nationalist poem through its presentation
of the war, including the shield of Aeneas; the role of fate/the gods;
portrayal of the Roman ideal; physical description of Italy
Presentation of the war (The Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid
(Pogorzelski, 2009):
a) Aeneid projects new concepts of Italian unification onto an ancient
past as ‘a natural and permanent state to which Augustan Rome
gives political expression’
b) The Latin War is presented as more than just a civil war, but one
between brothers – Juno explicitly gives Allecto the power ‘to arm
for battle like-minded brothers’, ‘unanimos armare in proelia fratres’
(Aen. 7.335)
c) Why depict this as a Civil War?
Some such as Otis (Virgil, a Study in Civilized Poetry,1964, 317)
and Putnam (The Poetry of the Aeneid: Four Studies in
Imaginative Unity and Design, 1965, 192) argue that this
interpretation of a civil war is to draw parallels with Augustus,
whether to negative or positive effects
Others such as Hardie (Virgil’s Cosmos and Imperium, 135) claim
that this allows for a displacement of military chaos to the past,
allowing for a clean and untarnished future
Pogorzelski himself argues that ‘the Aeneid defines Roman
identity not only against the negative characteristics of the East
but also a positive geographical association of Romanness with
Italy’
By presenting this as a Civil War, there is also a possibility to
create a sense of unity and ‘overcome the individual experience
of death and loss with collective identity’ and ‘draw power from
collective mourning’ (Anderson, Imagined Communities:
Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 1991, 9-11)
- Catalogue or ‘roll-call’ of Italian leaders (Aen. 7.648-815) (Parry, The
Two Voices of Virgil’s Aeneid, 1963)
a) Was originally a more restrictive definition of Italy, Gaul only gained
political unity after the Social War and Cisalpine Gaul became
included in Augustus’ time as Italy ‘reached its natural Alpine
frontiers’ (The Oxford Classical Dictionary), however everything
South of the Alps was informally known as Italy after Polybius’ time,
Italy as a ‘terra hospita’, ‘welcoming land’, accepting of all migrants
(Aen. 3.539)
b) Adds a sense of unity and nationalism through the names and traits
directly following one another
c) A Homeric form with epithets, names of heroes etc.
, d) Singles out a specific characteristic of each Latin fighter e.g.
Mezentius, ‘scorner of the gods’, ‘contemptor divum’ (Aen. 7.648)
e) There are also Greeks among them, but these count as Italians –
Roman citizenship could be easily acquired, even when born abroad,
often for military service or intermarriage
Presentation of the Battle of Actium on the shield of Aeneas (The
Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid (Pogorzelski, 2009):
a) ‘By representing the Latin War as a civil war, the Aeneid asserts that
the ancient inhabitants of Italy, although temporarily and tragically
divided, have always formed a natural unit’
b) Italian leader against Eastern armies in the shield’s depiction of the
Battle of Actium (‘here is Augustus Caesar leading the Italians into
battle’, hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar’ (Aen. 8.678)),
sense of national identity vs the contrasting opponent, ‘as varied in
languages as in manner of dress and in arms’, ‘quam variae linguis,
habitu tam vestis et armis’ (Aen. 8.723)
c) Both nature and the gods are referenced creating a unified support
for the Italian fight and its army: ‘you would believe that the
Cyclades, uprooted, were sailing on the sea or that high mountains
were rushing against mountains’, ‘pelago credas innare revulsas /
Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos’ (Aen. 8.691-2);
‘monstrous forms of every kind of god and the barker Anubis wield
weapons against Neptune and Venus and against Minerva’,
‘omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis / contra
Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam / tela tenent’ (Aen.
8.698-700)
d) Augustus makes sacrificial offerings to the Italian gods as a whole:
‘Caesar… was dedicating an everlasting offering to the Italian gods’,
‘Caesar… dis Italis votum immortale sacrabat’ (Aen. 8.714-5)
The role of fate/the gods
a) An idea of Italian nationalism is even requested by the gods as Juno
asks that Rome be Italian, not Trojan: ‘let the Roman progeny be
strong with Italian virtue’, ‘sit Romana potens Itala virtute propago’
(Aen. 12.827) (The Reassurance of Fratricide in the Aeneid
(Pogorzelski, 2009
b) There seems to be a struggle for Aeneas between his relationships
(e.g. with Dido in Book 4) and his sense of nationalist duty/fate to
Italy, however he does consistently forego his own personal desires
for the good of the state
c) ‘It is not by my own will that I search for Italy’, ‘Italiam non sponte
sequor’ (Aen. 4. 361) – implies a connection between his nationalism
and fate, seemingly a lack of free will – this could cause the poem to
seem less nationalistic as here Aeneas appears to be content with
his life with Dido, but is being forced to pursue Italy
d) However as Dido can be seen as Cleopatra (enemy of Rome), there
was the potential for Aeneas to become Antony – thus Italy and his
loyalty to this are what save him from the possibility of ‘losing a
world for love’, instead allowing him to be the Augustan figure
