QUESTION 3 (OCT/NOV 2020 EXAM)........................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 1
FOREIGN AID IN ZAMBIA.......................................................................................... 2
IMPACT DONORS HAD ON ZAMBIA ........................................................................ 2
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................. 4
QUESTION 4 .................................................................................................................. 6
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 6
BOTSWANA’S ELECTORAL SYSTEM ...................................................................... 6
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................... 10
NATURES OF ZIMBABWE’S POLITICAL REGIME AND ITS PROSPECTS FOR
DEMOCRACY. (SEMESTER 2 ASSIGMNENT) .......................................................... 11
INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 11
BODY ........................................................................................................................ 11
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................... 17
,OPTION A
QUESTION 3 (OCT/NOV 2020 EXAM)
Critically discuss how Zambia’s relations with its traditional donors (traditional state
actors) and its non-traditional donors (non-traditional state actors) have affected Zambia’s
sovereignty, democracy and economic development.
INTRODUCTION
According to ESCR website there are different types of donors namely non-state actors
which include organizations and individuals that are not affiliated with, directed by,
or funded by the government; and the state actors act on behalf of the government body
and are subjected to the regulations of the Bill of Rights of the state. Kragelund (2014)
states that “…the major changes in geographies in power...” is the homes of international
development arena and it is made up of surfacing of multiple global and regional power.
Democracy assistance and donor support have been key in fostering a new type of civil
society dominated by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the legal communities
and churches.
In Zambia donor funding is challenged to the executive through budget support which has
a potential to increase concentration power in government and the donors at the expense
of the civil society. In the 1980s the World Bank became involved in economic reform in
Zambia in the 1990s donors began to include support for human for human rights and
democratization while democracy support initiatives were introduced. In this discussion
we will be looking affect the donors have on Zambia’s democracy, economic development
and sovereignty. Great focus will be kept on the types of donors that negatively affected
the country and how they managed to do that while we also discuss the positivity that
might have come with the donors in the country.
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,FOREIGN AID IN ZAMBIA
Foreign aid in Zambia started growing in the early 1980s when the World Bank became
involved in Zambia’s economy reform. According to ReCom website the Zambian
government has at times protested against the set conditions of the World Bank and has
always went back to the negotiating table with the donors’ community led by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. There has been an increased
alignment in donor priorities regarding the growing in agreement about Zambia’s
commitment to economic development.
Nontraditional aid donors, such as Saudi Arabia and BRICS have emerged in recent
years as key players in humanitarian aid but these non-traditional donors are twisting
away from their predecessors’ tendency to channel aid through bilateral funding. Though
Zambia’s dependency on aid has reduced due to economic growth and debt relief, the
second entry of new development partners such as China, has the potential to make the
country more reluctant to enter into development aid agreements that carry political
conditionalities.
Zambia has undergone a series of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) aimed at
increasing investment level and improving allocation of investment resources but the
investment but the investment response to economic reforms has been poor. Donors
such as bilateral and multilateral have played an important role in environmental
government in Zambia, Sakala & Mtitwa, (2017:2) explains how the donors have provided
financial and technical resources for environmental governance. Aid in Zambia has rather
remained very high in the 1980s.
IMPACT DONORS HAD ON ZAMBIA
As much as donors are perceived as the elevators of the state they can also exist to derail
and bring down the state.it is said by Rakner (2013) that the main success story of
development aid in Zambia since the early 1990s is the deregulation of the central
elements of its economy and the laying of the foundations for the shift from a state-
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, orientated to a market economic system. The fact that these reforms have been
encouraged is clearly linked to the presence of donors and donor agreements.
Zambia shows the current changes in development space for African economies and
Kragelund (2014:146) states that Zambia was identified as an emblematic case of a
country dominated by its donors for about two decades. With price increase on cooper, it
has led to financial independency on Zambia as the state does not have to depend on
traditional donors. The informal neopatrimonialism system of the Zambian bureaucracy
fades the difference between the public and private interests and allows domestic politics
to directly influence policy decisions surrounding the allocation of donor-funded
development projects.
There is evidence that that politics has shaped the way state resources, including donor
finance, have been distributed in Zambia; one of those cases is mentioned by Masaki
(2015) when during his one-party rule, Kenneth Kaundahad strategically allocated
development projects to areas where the ruling party was unpopular. Masaki (2015)
furthermore notes when the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) used “famine
relief programmes” and “rural development programs”, both heavily dependent on donor
support, as a political instrument to counter populist opposition forces. This shows that
there is great possibility that aid from donors in Zambia can be politically manipulated.
China emphasizes juridical sovereignty in international relations and sees development
finance as a central part of its relationship with Zambia. In the 1980s and 1990s almost
all African states had to sign up to devastating structural adjustment programmes required
by international financial institutions to reduce their indebtedness, in order to receive
financial aid, they had to agree to neoliberal and free trade policies; but where debt was
once a symptom of western capitalist domination, it is now also a sign of China’s grip on
countries; like Zambia; desperately in need of infrastructure and procuring funds through
non-concessional loans. According to Teichmann (2016) the interest in China as an
emerging donor seems to overshadow the interest for other smaller emerging donors by
far due to China's much higher financial contribution, its autocratic regime type and its
bigger economic and geo-political influence
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