Central government structure:
● The pressure for change started to accelerate during the disastrous Russo-Japanese
War of 1904-5.
● The year 1905 is often called one of revolution, since there were assassinations of
key political figures, a massacre of a group of workers by state troops (Bloody
Sunday), strikes, a naval mutiny (Potemkin) and other incidents of social unrest.
● Nicholas II responded by releasing the October Manifesto, which confirmed that a
more representative form of government would be established, centring on the
Duma. Along with the Fundamental Laws, this theoretically created a very different
kind of political structure.
● The Duma was to be an assembly of people elected from a variety of social groups
who would meet to debate the affairs of state. Although it was not given the authority
to pass laws it could block proposed legislation. The election process was made
deliberately complex. It involved voting for 'others' who would then choose
representatives from political parties to sit in the chamber. This 'electoral college'
system was designed in a way that favoured those with property and discriminated
against workers and peasants.
● However, as the first Duma proved, there was no guarantee that the result of
elections would create a Duma that was in total support of the ruling elite. Elections
to the Duma were to occur every five years, but the tsar had the authority to disband
the Duma, which he did in 1906, 1907 and 1917.
● Constitutional reforms were implemented in 1905, but these were forced on the tsar
as a result of economic crisis and the disastrous consequences of the
Russo-Japanese War (1904-5) The Fundamental Laws of 1906 diluted the effect of
the reforms, and by 1917 the Duma was little more than a talking shop frequented by
politicians committed to autocracy.
● Nicholas II - after making liberal' concessions in 1905 - introduced another set Of
Fundamental Laws (1906) which reiterated the need for the preservation of
autocracy, underscoring his god given authority
The first Duma, April to July 1906:
- Members of the first assembly debated over matters of the empire, such as the
Polish question, and land distribution.
- Disbanded it after two months.
Between the sitting of the first and second Dumas, a new approach to dealing. The new
chairman of the Council of Ministers, Stolypin, thought that the process of dealing with
dissenters was too cumbersome and soft. He therefore ordered the trial system for civilian
rioters to be accelerated by introducing field court-martials. The result was a series of quick
trials and executions which gained the label of 'Stolypin's neckties.
The second Duma, February to June 1907:
- The composition of the second Duma was greatly affected by Stolypin's policies.
- There were fewer Kadets and Labourists, but more Social Democrats (SDs), Socialist
Revolutionaries (SRs), Octobrists and the far right.
- However, the tsar and Stolypin continued to mistrust the work of the Duma over land
reform and the management of the Russian army.
, - When a Social Democrat member of the Duma was framed for attempting to arrange
an army mutiny, the tsar proclaimed that the Duma was subversive, dissolved it, and
overhauled the electoral system.
The third Duma, November 1907 to June 1912:
- As a result of the electoral reforms, the third Duma mainly consisted of people loyal
to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities.
- There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts
of the empire.
- During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy.
- The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the
peace and the abolition of land captains.
- For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced.
- All of this occurred because Nicholas I and his ministers showed more trust in the
lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by
manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias towards autocracy, the lower
chamber served its full term of office.
The fourth Duma, November 1912 to February 1917:
- The final Duma was again dominated by politicians from the far right.
- Its rule coincided with brutal repression of civil disorder, such as when state police
killed striking miners at the Lena Goldfields (1912).
- However, this outraged the more liberal Duma members. In 1914, the Duma made
the following proclamation: The Ministry of the Interior systematically scorns public
opinion and ignores the repeated wishes of the new legislature. The Duma
considered it pointless to express any new wishes in regard to internal policy. The
Ministry's activities arouse dissatisfaction among the broad masses that have hitherto
been peaceful. Such a situation threatens Russia with untold dangers.
The final Duma became infamous for putting pressure on the tsar to abdicate; members
subsequently formed the backbone of the short-lived Provisional Government. Nevertheless,
despite its critique of the tsarist government, the Duma remained an institution dominated by
the 'old guard'.
Overall, it is clear that the Duma played an important role in instigating political, economic
and social changes beneficial to many sectors of Russian society but they made very little
difference to the underlying nature of the Russian state as Duma politicians on the left were
largely ignored by the government, and the majority in the lower chamber remained loyal to
the principle of autocracy.
The emergence of the Progressive Bloc:
● The progress of the fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914. The Duma met a week after the start of the war, but its work was
disrupted when a group of socialist members walked out at Nicholas Il's decision to
commit Russia to a war they considered unwinnable.
● By 1915, a 'Progressive Bloc' of Duma representatives demanded a National
Government to take charge of the war effort. Nicholas responded by suspending the
Duma in August 1915, and personally taking charge of the armed forces.
● The pressure for change started to accelerate during the disastrous Russo-Japanese
War of 1904-5.
● The year 1905 is often called one of revolution, since there were assassinations of
key political figures, a massacre of a group of workers by state troops (Bloody
Sunday), strikes, a naval mutiny (Potemkin) and other incidents of social unrest.
● Nicholas II responded by releasing the October Manifesto, which confirmed that a
more representative form of government would be established, centring on the
Duma. Along with the Fundamental Laws, this theoretically created a very different
kind of political structure.
● The Duma was to be an assembly of people elected from a variety of social groups
who would meet to debate the affairs of state. Although it was not given the authority
to pass laws it could block proposed legislation. The election process was made
deliberately complex. It involved voting for 'others' who would then choose
representatives from political parties to sit in the chamber. This 'electoral college'
system was designed in a way that favoured those with property and discriminated
against workers and peasants.
● However, as the first Duma proved, there was no guarantee that the result of
elections would create a Duma that was in total support of the ruling elite. Elections
to the Duma were to occur every five years, but the tsar had the authority to disband
the Duma, which he did in 1906, 1907 and 1917.
● Constitutional reforms were implemented in 1905, but these were forced on the tsar
as a result of economic crisis and the disastrous consequences of the
Russo-Japanese War (1904-5) The Fundamental Laws of 1906 diluted the effect of
the reforms, and by 1917 the Duma was little more than a talking shop frequented by
politicians committed to autocracy.
● Nicholas II - after making liberal' concessions in 1905 - introduced another set Of
Fundamental Laws (1906) which reiterated the need for the preservation of
autocracy, underscoring his god given authority
The first Duma, April to July 1906:
- Members of the first assembly debated over matters of the empire, such as the
Polish question, and land distribution.
- Disbanded it after two months.
Between the sitting of the first and second Dumas, a new approach to dealing. The new
chairman of the Council of Ministers, Stolypin, thought that the process of dealing with
dissenters was too cumbersome and soft. He therefore ordered the trial system for civilian
rioters to be accelerated by introducing field court-martials. The result was a series of quick
trials and executions which gained the label of 'Stolypin's neckties.
The second Duma, February to June 1907:
- The composition of the second Duma was greatly affected by Stolypin's policies.
- There were fewer Kadets and Labourists, but more Social Democrats (SDs), Socialist
Revolutionaries (SRs), Octobrists and the far right.
- However, the tsar and Stolypin continued to mistrust the work of the Duma over land
reform and the management of the Russian army.
, - When a Social Democrat member of the Duma was framed for attempting to arrange
an army mutiny, the tsar proclaimed that the Duma was subversive, dissolved it, and
overhauled the electoral system.
The third Duma, November 1907 to June 1912:
- As a result of the electoral reforms, the third Duma mainly consisted of people loyal
to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities.
- There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts
of the empire.
- During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy.
- The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the
peace and the abolition of land captains.
- For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced.
- All of this occurred because Nicholas I and his ministers showed more trust in the
lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by
manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias towards autocracy, the lower
chamber served its full term of office.
The fourth Duma, November 1912 to February 1917:
- The final Duma was again dominated by politicians from the far right.
- Its rule coincided with brutal repression of civil disorder, such as when state police
killed striking miners at the Lena Goldfields (1912).
- However, this outraged the more liberal Duma members. In 1914, the Duma made
the following proclamation: The Ministry of the Interior systematically scorns public
opinion and ignores the repeated wishes of the new legislature. The Duma
considered it pointless to express any new wishes in regard to internal policy. The
Ministry's activities arouse dissatisfaction among the broad masses that have hitherto
been peaceful. Such a situation threatens Russia with untold dangers.
The final Duma became infamous for putting pressure on the tsar to abdicate; members
subsequently formed the backbone of the short-lived Provisional Government. Nevertheless,
despite its critique of the tsarist government, the Duma remained an institution dominated by
the 'old guard'.
Overall, it is clear that the Duma played an important role in instigating political, economic
and social changes beneficial to many sectors of Russian society but they made very little
difference to the underlying nature of the Russian state as Duma politicians on the left were
largely ignored by the government, and the majority in the lower chamber remained loyal to
the principle of autocracy.
The emergence of the Progressive Bloc:
● The progress of the fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914. The Duma met a week after the start of the war, but its work was
disrupted when a group of socialist members walked out at Nicholas Il's decision to
commit Russia to a war they considered unwinnable.
● By 1915, a 'Progressive Bloc' of Duma representatives demanded a National
Government to take charge of the war effort. Nicholas responded by suspending the
Duma in August 1915, and personally taking charge of the armed forces.
