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POLS 1101 Political Socialization Summary

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This is a comprehensive and detailed summary on; Political Socialization and Media Influence: Understanding U.S. Dynamics.

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Political Socialization and
the Communications Media
MariaJ. Albo and BarryD. Friedman




Learning Objectives
4
After covering the topics of political socialization and the communications
media, students should understand:
1. How the process of political socialization traditionally reinforced
Americans’ patriotic sentiments and their acceptance of the legitimacy of
government institutions and laws.
2. The factors that have prompted deep division between Democrats and
Republicans and unprecedented resentment about rivals’ election
victories.
3. The increased partisanship of news organizations and the role of social
media in providing alternative news sources and political commentary.
4. How young Americans can contribute to political discourse and influence
public policy through political participation and civic engagement.

Abstract
Based on traditional American political thought and mythology about the
trustworthiness of American government officials and institutions, the United States
historically enjoyed a consensus of attitude about the legitimacy of its political and
government systems. In recent years, a large segment of the American public has
developed reservations about the legitimacy and fairness of capitalism, the system
of law enforcement and criminal justice, and the distribution of resources and
employment opportunities. The consensus of attitude about the system has given way
to divisiveness and rancor not experienced since the Civil War era. Regardless of one’s
ideology and opinion about the validity of traditional American values, opportunities
to participate in public discourse and to influence public policy abound. These
opportunities include voting, organizing and joining interest groups, and participation
in public meetings and protest demonstrations.

, The Basics of American Government


Introduction: An Amazing Experiment in
Democracy and Liberty
All kinds of American political thinkers have characterized the United States
as an extraordinary “experiment” in democracy and liberty. Echoing Jesus Christ’s
Sermon on the Mount (Matthew5:14) and Massachusetts colonial founder John
Winthrop (1630), President Ronald Reagan frequently spoke of this nation as “a
shining ‘city on a hill.’” In his farewell address, he described the city as

a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept, God-blessed,
and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with
free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there had to be
city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will
and the heart to get here. (Reagan, 1989, para. 33).

The topic of this chapter is political socialization. In a few short words,
political socialization is the process by which an individual learns to be a citizen
and a participant of her political system. The heart of political socialization is
the transmission of ideas about what is worthy and significant in the nation’s
political and governmental systems. Political socialization can perpetuate great
appreciation of and loyalty to such systems especially when the history and
mythology of the nation tell an inspiring story.

The Foundation of American Liberty and
Prosperity
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to
you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence,
the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of
your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy
to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains
will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction
of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the
batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively
(though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that
you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your
collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual,
and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak
of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for


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, Political Socialization and the Communications Media


its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest
even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the
various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by
birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate
your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any
appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference,
you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have
in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and
liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common
dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to
your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately
to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding
motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
President George Washington (1796, para. 9-11)

During the seventeenth century, waves of white Anglo-Saxon Protestants
arrived on North America’s Atlantic coast for the purpose of settling the “New
World.” Their arrival proved to be ominous for the Native Americans who had
enjoyed the bounty of a sparsely populated continent. But for the settlers North
America offered unlimited possibilities. They left behind the densely populated
European continent, where permanent socioeconomic classes were common. In
some countries, land was so scarce that it seemed necessary to divide the real
estate among privileged “lords,” an economic arrangement known as “feudalism.”
The rest of the population was relegated to the status of “serfs”—a life-long
disadvantaged social and economic status that could not be escaped under the laws
that prevailed. In England, some citizens enjoyed hereditary upper-class status,
others were laborers or tradesmen, there was a middle class of professionals and
businessmen, and social status was inherited. What the settlers craved and found
in the New World was a virtually unlimited supply of land that made feudalism
or other permanent-class systems pointless. No more would their socioeconomic
status constitute an inescapable hindrance. Their desire for estates of their own
would be satisfied and their dreams of economic security were limited only
by their imagination. Instead of feudalism, they developed a system based on


– 49 –

, The Basics of American Government


the idea of limited government, individual liberty, a free-market economy (i.e.,
capitalism), and equality under the law. Of course, they were not freed from the
need to devote strenuous physical labor to coax produce from the soil nor from
the challenges of nature itself (natural disasters, extreme weather, and so on).
Other than that, they were free to determine their own destinies.
American history is a narrative of unparalleled political freedom, remarkable
economic opportunity, religious tolerance, harmonious communities, and
universal celebration by the nation’s inhabitants of “the land of the free and the
home of the brave.”
The result, by and large, was a level of prosperity known to no other societies.
Practice of the Protestant work ethic tended to be more than sufficient to
sustain life. And, if one believed that their pantry was not sufficiently stocked,
the work ethic suggested that they simply needed to work harder. In the long
run, this arrangement led to the existence of a flourishing middle class. In turn,
the existence of a flourishing middle class was the basis for a political system
most of whose members had no use for extreme ideologies. An ideology is a
belief system about what politics and government should be and do. As time
went by, most Americans were not attracted to the extreme left-wing ideology of
Marxist communism, nor were they attracted to the extreme right-wing ideology
of fascism. Americans had little interest in the extreme ideologies of anarchy
or totalitarianism. Instead, in a land of opportunity, the vast majority adhered
to the moderate ideology of liberalism. Here, the word liberalism is used in the
classical sense: the ideology that calls for a system based on liberty and limited
government. There is a compelling argument for a system based on liberty: The
most authoritative expert about what will make a person happy is that person.
Therefore, the government should let that person make choices about how to live.
There is no reason for government interference in that person’s decisions up to the
point that any decisions inflict a disadvantageous interference with someone else’s
life. Otherwise, the government’s attitude should be laissez faire (“let alone”)—
leave the individual alone and leave the marketplace alone as well. John Locke
(1689/1884, pp. 230-240) theorized that the legitimate role of a government is
to protect the citizens’ life, liberty, and property. Over time, Americans flocked
to the ideological appeal of liberalism (Hartz, 1955, pp.911). The extent of this
agreement is referred to as the liberal consensus. Note that, in using the word
“liberalism,” the authors are not referring specifically to either the progressive
(left-wing) or the conservative (right-wing) strains of this ideology; we are simply
referring to the belief in liberty. This general agreement with a very significant
perspective about how our political, economic, and governmental systems should


– 50 –

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