Flame overview and quote discussion.
The film, Flame, released in the year 1996, was one of the first Zimbabwean films to be released
since Zimbabwe’s independence (Barnes, 2006:242). Flame has since become a tribute to the female
guerrillas who participated in the Second Chimurenga as it depicts women’s contributions within the
liberation struggle and the violence they faced, including sexual assault from their male counterparts
(Barnes, 2006:251). Therefore, the film challenges that popular nationalist discourse of benevolent
male guerillas (Barnes, 2006:251). The quote “We are not heroes Flame, we are just women”
features at the end of the film, with Flame watching a televised national hero celebration, featuring
men combatants (Flame, 1996, 01:20:59 – 01: 28:39). When Nyasha switches off the television,
Flame rhetorically asks her “Aren’t we heroes?”. Flame’s question expresses her disillusionment at
this masculine and exclusionary memorization of the liberation struggle. Nyasha responds, “No,
Flame. We are just women,”. Nyasha’s response suggest that Flame should not be surprised by this
masculinized image of a national “hero”, considering the fact they are “just women”. This is in line
with Enloe’s assertion that in nationalist movements women’s roles are often reduced to supportive
roles (Enloe,1990: 88). As a result, women are not regarded as real actors of the liberation struggle
and their contributions are placed within the gender realm (Lyons, 1999: 217). Hence at post-
liberation, as seen in the mentioned scene above, women’s roles are regarded as unheroic and merely
just patriotic duty (Barnes, 2006:253). Men, on the other hand, are celebrated for “defending their
freedom, their homeland and their women” (Nagel, 1998: 244). Within the context of the movie,
Nyasha’s response can be seen as critiquing the monolithic male-dominated liberation struggle
narrative that is perpetrated within the media.
Gender in the Colonial Era
Colonial patriarchal ideologies, and Zimbabwean societal norms shaped the construction and
understanding of gender in colonial Zimbabwe (Chogugudza, 2006:34). Colonial patriarchy
subjugated Zimbabwean women, specifically rural women, by limiting their economic independence.
The advent of colonialism forced rural men to migrate to towns for employment opportunities but
restricted the migration of women, thereby resulting in the shift of economic power and influence
towards men (Chogugudza, 2006:35).Thus, women were not only denied opportunities for economic
advancement, but as men entered the wage labour market in town as miners and factory workers, the
women remaining behind transitioned to also step in as de facto heads of households (Chogugudza,
2006:35). Accordingly, this increased the burden of women as they now had the responsibility of
taking up tasks previously allocated to their husbands on top of conducting their customary roles
(Chogugudza, 2006:35). This shift in gender roles, to some extent, disrupted gender norms as these
women became “an extension of African male bodies” (Musisi, 1992: 172). In addition, the
, perception of “respectable” and “unrespectable” females further marginalised women. The identity
of a respectable women was constructed and understood through a system of othering, involving two
types of women (Davis, 2009:29). In contrast to the townswoman, stereotyped as a “prostitute” who
ran away from her customary duties and followed her husband to the towns, a rural woman, on the
other hands, was respected if she was either a virgin or married, fertile and actively involved in the
rural agricultural activities (Hungwe, 2006:34). However, with the rise of the capitalistic colonial
economy, rural areas saw an increasing number of women relocating to towns. Consequently,
married urban women who had relocated with their spouses sought to separate themselves from
unmarried urban women– the “prostitutes” (Hungwe, 2006:34). Therefore, the definition of an
unrespectable woman expanded to include a woman who was financially independent and single or
cohabiting with a man she is not married to (Hungwe, 2006:34). These notions of respectability and
unrespectability limited women’s sexual freedom as they emphasized female chasity within marriage
or maintaining one’s virginity until marriage.
Gender systems in colonial Zimbabwe were also reflected through colonial educational institutions
which restricted girls from advancing beyond the early stages of primary school (Whitehead,
2006:24). It is on this basis, that at the inception of the liberation struggle, Zimbabwean women
enlisted to the join that Zimbabwe African National Unions (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African
People’s Unions (ZAPU) armies. Joining the liberation struggle appealed to young women in
particular as it offered an escape from oppressive societal and colonial systems. The promise of
independence also created the perception that gender equality would follow (Chogugudza, 2006:36).
Some women joined the liberation movement in order to uplift themselves. In an interview with
Lyons (2002:109), Nhamo, who joined the army at sixteen years old, shared that she joined in order
to receive education as she had only completed three years of school. Thus. Nhamo joined the war
after one of her friends suggested that they join the struggle, after learning about the potential
educational opportunities at the military camps in Mozambique and Zambia (Lyons, 2002:109).
Nhamo’s reasons for joining the struggle mirror Nyasha’s reasons in Flame. Nyasha joins the army
after hearing from Flame, that people were receiving education and scholarships in the military
camps (Flame, 1996, 17:36 – 17:40). This shows that the decision to join the liberation struggle was
more just about wanting justice and independence, but also an act of emancipation (Lyons: 2002:
114).
Gender during the liberation struggle.
The Zimbabwean liberation struggle blurred gender lines by allowing women to join the struggle and
thus challenge the stereotype that women belong in the kitchen (Barnes, 2006:249). This also
reconfigured the notions of respectability and unrespectability as mobile women were no longer
stigmatized as “prostitutes” but instead they were urged to leave their villages and families to join the
The film, Flame, released in the year 1996, was one of the first Zimbabwean films to be released
since Zimbabwe’s independence (Barnes, 2006:242). Flame has since become a tribute to the female
guerrillas who participated in the Second Chimurenga as it depicts women’s contributions within the
liberation struggle and the violence they faced, including sexual assault from their male counterparts
(Barnes, 2006:251). Therefore, the film challenges that popular nationalist discourse of benevolent
male guerillas (Barnes, 2006:251). The quote “We are not heroes Flame, we are just women”
features at the end of the film, with Flame watching a televised national hero celebration, featuring
men combatants (Flame, 1996, 01:20:59 – 01: 28:39). When Nyasha switches off the television,
Flame rhetorically asks her “Aren’t we heroes?”. Flame’s question expresses her disillusionment at
this masculine and exclusionary memorization of the liberation struggle. Nyasha responds, “No,
Flame. We are just women,”. Nyasha’s response suggest that Flame should not be surprised by this
masculinized image of a national “hero”, considering the fact they are “just women”. This is in line
with Enloe’s assertion that in nationalist movements women’s roles are often reduced to supportive
roles (Enloe,1990: 88). As a result, women are not regarded as real actors of the liberation struggle
and their contributions are placed within the gender realm (Lyons, 1999: 217). Hence at post-
liberation, as seen in the mentioned scene above, women’s roles are regarded as unheroic and merely
just patriotic duty (Barnes, 2006:253). Men, on the other hand, are celebrated for “defending their
freedom, their homeland and their women” (Nagel, 1998: 244). Within the context of the movie,
Nyasha’s response can be seen as critiquing the monolithic male-dominated liberation struggle
narrative that is perpetrated within the media.
Gender in the Colonial Era
Colonial patriarchal ideologies, and Zimbabwean societal norms shaped the construction and
understanding of gender in colonial Zimbabwe (Chogugudza, 2006:34). Colonial patriarchy
subjugated Zimbabwean women, specifically rural women, by limiting their economic independence.
The advent of colonialism forced rural men to migrate to towns for employment opportunities but
restricted the migration of women, thereby resulting in the shift of economic power and influence
towards men (Chogugudza, 2006:35).Thus, women were not only denied opportunities for economic
advancement, but as men entered the wage labour market in town as miners and factory workers, the
women remaining behind transitioned to also step in as de facto heads of households (Chogugudza,
2006:35). Accordingly, this increased the burden of women as they now had the responsibility of
taking up tasks previously allocated to their husbands on top of conducting their customary roles
(Chogugudza, 2006:35). This shift in gender roles, to some extent, disrupted gender norms as these
women became “an extension of African male bodies” (Musisi, 1992: 172). In addition, the
, perception of “respectable” and “unrespectable” females further marginalised women. The identity
of a respectable women was constructed and understood through a system of othering, involving two
types of women (Davis, 2009:29). In contrast to the townswoman, stereotyped as a “prostitute” who
ran away from her customary duties and followed her husband to the towns, a rural woman, on the
other hands, was respected if she was either a virgin or married, fertile and actively involved in the
rural agricultural activities (Hungwe, 2006:34). However, with the rise of the capitalistic colonial
economy, rural areas saw an increasing number of women relocating to towns. Consequently,
married urban women who had relocated with their spouses sought to separate themselves from
unmarried urban women– the “prostitutes” (Hungwe, 2006:34). Therefore, the definition of an
unrespectable woman expanded to include a woman who was financially independent and single or
cohabiting with a man she is not married to (Hungwe, 2006:34). These notions of respectability and
unrespectability limited women’s sexual freedom as they emphasized female chasity within marriage
or maintaining one’s virginity until marriage.
Gender systems in colonial Zimbabwe were also reflected through colonial educational institutions
which restricted girls from advancing beyond the early stages of primary school (Whitehead,
2006:24). It is on this basis, that at the inception of the liberation struggle, Zimbabwean women
enlisted to the join that Zimbabwe African National Unions (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African
People’s Unions (ZAPU) armies. Joining the liberation struggle appealed to young women in
particular as it offered an escape from oppressive societal and colonial systems. The promise of
independence also created the perception that gender equality would follow (Chogugudza, 2006:36).
Some women joined the liberation movement in order to uplift themselves. In an interview with
Lyons (2002:109), Nhamo, who joined the army at sixteen years old, shared that she joined in order
to receive education as she had only completed three years of school. Thus. Nhamo joined the war
after one of her friends suggested that they join the struggle, after learning about the potential
educational opportunities at the military camps in Mozambique and Zambia (Lyons, 2002:109).
Nhamo’s reasons for joining the struggle mirror Nyasha’s reasons in Flame. Nyasha joins the army
after hearing from Flame, that people were receiving education and scholarships in the military
camps (Flame, 1996, 17:36 – 17:40). This shows that the decision to join the liberation struggle was
more just about wanting justice and independence, but also an act of emancipation (Lyons: 2002:
114).
Gender during the liberation struggle.
The Zimbabwean liberation struggle blurred gender lines by allowing women to join the struggle and
thus challenge the stereotype that women belong in the kitchen (Barnes, 2006:249). This also
reconfigured the notions of respectability and unrespectability as mobile women were no longer
stigmatized as “prostitutes” but instead they were urged to leave their villages and families to join the
