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Health Psychology Summary of Renner (Week 3): Social-cognitive factors in health behavior change

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Summary of: Renner, B, Schwarzer, R (2003) Social-cognitive factors in health behavior change. In J. Suls and K.A. Wallston (Eds.). Social psychological foundations of health and illness (pp. 169-197). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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Health Psychology – Renner (Lecture 3)

Social-cognitive Factors in Health Behavior Change

Misjudging Risk Information
 first step in changing health behavior is to become aware of the connections between
behavior and health → most intervention programs provide information about health risks
and hazards to improve knowledge about causes of health and illness
 simply making information about risks available does not necessarily allow people to make
informed judgments and decisions because information can be easily misinterpreted
 risk communication: increasing knowledge about the nature, magnitude, and significance of
health risks → underlying assumption that people can only make appropriate decision about
preventive actions when perceive risk accurately
 factual risk or objective risk defined by technical experts as annual injury, fatality rate etc
(e.g. diseases represent greater factual risk than accidents → lay person thinks opposite)
◦ studies show judgmental biases in processing of risk information → laypersons and
health providers do not calculate risk in the same “rational” manner as technical experts
to determine the magnitude of risk
◦ Instead of multiplying the chance of infection by the chance of dying (e.g. for HIV and
Hepatitis B), which results in an overall risk of 1 percent for both diseases, people
focused their judgments on the lethal consequences, while ignoring the probability of
infection (fear HIV more than Hepatitis B) → fear of certainty of death
▪ risk of other contagious diseases might be underestimated, since death is not
perceived as a certain outcome once one has become infected, which might result in
a failure to take necessary precautions
▪ more efficient treatments will encourage risk behavior
 risk perception has two aspects: perceived severity of a health condition (the amount of harm
that could occur), and personal vulnerability (subjective probability that once could fall
victim to that condition) toward it → relationship of both described by a simple probability
by severity interaction (“normative” or “rational” principle)
◦ personal vulnerability or likelihood of the event is zero, the resulting perceived risk
should also be zero, regardless of how serious the event may be
◦ interest in obtaining protection is not always a function of severity and likelihood →
type of the relationship among severity, likelihood, and motivation to act varied with the
severity and likelihood of the hazard
 people make finer distinctions at the low end of the likelihood scale than at the high end →
confronted with hazard with a 50 percent chance of occurring (high cholesterol) may display
the same reaction as individuals who are confronted with a hazard with an 80 percent chance
of occurring (smoking)
→ risk communication must supply information about the relative risks of acquiring one
disease versus another to help people anchor the likelihood of occurrence and severity in
appropriate ways
 Many risks have a relatively low probability for any single exposure, however, small
probabilities add up over repeated exposures to create a substantial overall risk (e.g.
smoking) → Misjudging the cumulative risk of increasing exposure to risks could jeopardize
appropriate behaviors and in the worst case encourage extensive risk behaviors
 long-term effectiveness of precautions could be misconstrued (e.g. when taking birth control
the risk for pregnancy is 0.98 of 100 women for one year, therefore, 2 women would get
pregnant, however, after 10 years 20% of the same group will become pregnant, although
they still perceive risk as 2%) → individuals need to understand how the risk of conception
accumulates over repeated exposure, and to what degree this could be reduced through the
use of contraceptive methods

, Health Psychology – Renner (Lecture 3)

◦ most laypersons do not realize that contraceptive effectiveness declines over time, thus,
a short-term perspective on effectiveness may promote unrealistically optimistic
estimations about long-term outcomes, since individuals are not aware how rapidly small
risks add up → short-term and long-term contraceptive effectiveness information should
be provided (complete risk information)
 health risk becomes even more complex when multiple risks are considered (e.g. smoking
and drinking)
◦ study participants believed that engaging in only one risk behavior (heavy alcohol
consumption or heavy smoking) results in the same risk as engaging in both at the same
time → two risks considered as disjunctive instead of synergisic
→ hazards should include information about potential synergistic or additional effects,
as otherwise people might seriously misconstrue their overall risk

Underestimating Self-relevant Risk
 general perceptions of risk (e.g., “Smoking is dangerous”) and personal perceptions of risk
(e.g., “I am at risk because I am a smoker”) often differ to a great extent
◦ especially when comparing with others, one’s view of the risk is somewhat distorted →
tend to see themselves less likely than others to experience health problems in future:
unrealistic optimism or optimistic bias
◦ additionally, individuals prone to illusion of safety in a risky world
▪ e.g. even smokers who demonstrated a smoking behavior that they themselves
judged as highly risky nonetheless viewed their own personal risk as only average
→ important barrier for convincing people to change health habits because bias may
function to dissuade them from engaging in protective health actions
 people acknowledge a higher risk with increasing age and declining health, but that aging
did not curb unrealistic comparative risk perceptions (still thought peers more at risk)
→ to reduce unrealistic optimism is to provide additional information about the risk faced by an
average peer (e.g. when think about risk-reducing factors a typical peer might list results in lower
unrealistic optimism → unrealistic optimism caused because not think carefully about person
comparing to)
→ to reduce ambiguity (since recipients have to infer the magnitude of their personal
risk) people should be informed of existence of health risk in personalized manner to enhance self-
relevance and should image themselves as possible victims → assess individuals’ risk status by
either self-administered questionnaires or biomedical measures
 individuals process and respond to feedback about their personal health risk in a self-
defensive manner
◦ however, unfavorable medical feedback causes prominent denial only when recipients
believed that they had no possibility of reducing the threat by modifying their behavior

Forming an Intention to Change: Continuum Models of Health Behavior
 continuum models → way in which predictors (e.g. social norms, personal vulnerability)
combine to influence actions is expected to be the same for everyone
◦ e.g. Theory of Reasoned Action, Theory of Planned Behavior, Protection Motivation
Theory
▪ beside risk perception two other variables are considered to play a major role in
theories: (a) outcome expectancies, and (b) perceived self-efficacy

(a) Outcome Expectancies
 not only need to be aware of a health threat, also need enough knowledge about how to
regulate their behavior → understand link between action and outcomes
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