Why did tsarism survive the revolution of 1905 but not that of march 1917?
1. Economic impact of the wars
1905: In 1905, the Russo-Japanese War did increase tensions and worsened the economic hardship in the cities.
This can be seen in the demands of the protestors at Bloody Sunday, where they asked for an end to the
‘shameful’ war’, alongside changes to working practices, such as an eight hour working day and a minimum
wage.
1917: However, while the Russo-Japanese War was economically damaging, the impact of the First World War
was far more devastating, especially on the Home Front.
The country mobilised 5.3 million men in 1914 and by the end of 1916 over 15 million men had experienced
military service.
In order to pay for the war the government printed more money, which led to inflation
Grain production fell as important food-producing areas were occupied by the Germans.
The loss of agricultural workers and horses to the war effort put huge strain on food production.
Between 1914 and 1916, the urban population increased by approximately six million.
Military needs took priority on the railways which had a major impact on life in the cities. For example,
Moscow had received 2200 railway wagons of food per month in 1914. By the end of 1916 the city was only
receiving 300 wagons each month.
By 1916, inflation and shortages of food and fuel became acute. It was estimated by October 1916 that
prices had risen 300% over two years but wages had only increased by 100%.
By 1917 cities such as Petrograd were seething with discontent. The situation had reached breaking point, leading
to protests and demonstrations, such as International Women's Day on 23rd February 1917. – ½ of cities workers
came out to strike on the anniversary of bloody Sunday – putilov engineering complex was brought to a standstill,
socialist activists encouraged anti-gov protest – 5 days of disorder led to the tsarist regime loose control.
2. Willingness to make political concessions
1905: The regime successfully enhanced divisions in the opposition by issuing the October Manifesto (1905) which
further split the liberal / reformist opposition:
The October Manifesto led to the formation of the Kadets, who represented mainly members of the
professions (e.g. lawyers) and smaller-scale industrial entrepreneurs and wanted a genuine constitutional
democracy which firmly limited the power of the monarch. They were sceptical of the October Manifesto,
viewing it as a tactical ploy by the regime to divide the opposition in order to quell the scale of unrest
without committing to any genuine change in the power structure in Russia. The Kadet leader, Milyukov
criticised as a ‘cunning ruse’ the ambiguous nature of many of the promises, including the vague statement
that a national Duma would have a role in the ‘supervision’ of state power and the unconvincing
commitment to the ‘further development’ of the principle of general suffrage.
The Octobrists, however, drawn mainly from the wealthier industrialists and liberal landowners, wanted
political freedoms guaranteed and an elected assembly but also emphasised the need for a strong and
authoritative regime headed by a powerful tsar. The Octobrists dedicated themselves to full cooperation
with the government
1917
In the summer of 1915, the tsar had the opportunity to form a government with broad support. Under
mounting pressure, he agreed to recall the Duma (which had been adjourned shortly after the start of the
war).
A group called the Progressive Bloc emerged. It consisted of members of the Duma (236 of the 422
deputies, mainly Kadets, Octobrists and Progressives) and the State Council (an old advisory body to the tsar)
and enjoyed the support of government ministers, the press, and the Union of Zemstva.
1. Economic impact of the wars
1905: In 1905, the Russo-Japanese War did increase tensions and worsened the economic hardship in the cities.
This can be seen in the demands of the protestors at Bloody Sunday, where they asked for an end to the
‘shameful’ war’, alongside changes to working practices, such as an eight hour working day and a minimum
wage.
1917: However, while the Russo-Japanese War was economically damaging, the impact of the First World War
was far more devastating, especially on the Home Front.
The country mobilised 5.3 million men in 1914 and by the end of 1916 over 15 million men had experienced
military service.
In order to pay for the war the government printed more money, which led to inflation
Grain production fell as important food-producing areas were occupied by the Germans.
The loss of agricultural workers and horses to the war effort put huge strain on food production.
Between 1914 and 1916, the urban population increased by approximately six million.
Military needs took priority on the railways which had a major impact on life in the cities. For example,
Moscow had received 2200 railway wagons of food per month in 1914. By the end of 1916 the city was only
receiving 300 wagons each month.
By 1916, inflation and shortages of food and fuel became acute. It was estimated by October 1916 that
prices had risen 300% over two years but wages had only increased by 100%.
By 1917 cities such as Petrograd were seething with discontent. The situation had reached breaking point, leading
to protests and demonstrations, such as International Women's Day on 23rd February 1917. – ½ of cities workers
came out to strike on the anniversary of bloody Sunday – putilov engineering complex was brought to a standstill,
socialist activists encouraged anti-gov protest – 5 days of disorder led to the tsarist regime loose control.
2. Willingness to make political concessions
1905: The regime successfully enhanced divisions in the opposition by issuing the October Manifesto (1905) which
further split the liberal / reformist opposition:
The October Manifesto led to the formation of the Kadets, who represented mainly members of the
professions (e.g. lawyers) and smaller-scale industrial entrepreneurs and wanted a genuine constitutional
democracy which firmly limited the power of the monarch. They were sceptical of the October Manifesto,
viewing it as a tactical ploy by the regime to divide the opposition in order to quell the scale of unrest
without committing to any genuine change in the power structure in Russia. The Kadet leader, Milyukov
criticised as a ‘cunning ruse’ the ambiguous nature of many of the promises, including the vague statement
that a national Duma would have a role in the ‘supervision’ of state power and the unconvincing
commitment to the ‘further development’ of the principle of general suffrage.
The Octobrists, however, drawn mainly from the wealthier industrialists and liberal landowners, wanted
political freedoms guaranteed and an elected assembly but also emphasised the need for a strong and
authoritative regime headed by a powerful tsar. The Octobrists dedicated themselves to full cooperation
with the government
1917
In the summer of 1915, the tsar had the opportunity to form a government with broad support. Under
mounting pressure, he agreed to recall the Duma (which had been adjourned shortly after the start of the
war).
A group called the Progressive Bloc emerged. It consisted of members of the Duma (236 of the 422
deputies, mainly Kadets, Octobrists and Progressives) and the State Council (an old advisory body to the tsar)
and enjoyed the support of government ministers, the press, and the Union of Zemstva.
