Theme 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s
Introduction (not examinable)
The nature of the Apartheid state from 1964 to the 1980.
In 1960’s resistance in SA was relatively quiet as a result of State repression.
By 1964 NP had imprisoned leaders of Umkhonto weSizwe and leaders of PAC were also in jail.
By 1970 all Africans had to be citizens of Homeland instead of South Africa, and four homelands (Transkei,
Bophutatswana, Venda and the Ciskei) had been granted independence as a method to deny them political rights in
SA. The international community did not recognise the independence of these homelands.
An economic boom in 1960s led to urbanisation of many blacks and led to housing and services shortages in the
townships.
This boom ended with 1973 oil crisis, and wage reductions led to the striking of some 200 000 workers in the Durban
area.
In the 1970s the tide began to turn against the Apartheid Government or NP Government.
SA economy was negatively impacted by the 1973 world oil crisis.
Bantu Education resulted lack of skilled labour; and after a wave of strikes in 1973 government was forced to agree to
independent black trade unions.
In 1975, African countries of Angola and Mozambique gained their independence from Portugal, and African
governments allowed members of ANC’s military wing to launch attacks against NP from inside their borders.
The independence of Angola and Mozambique hope to black south Africans that their lives could change for the
better.
By 1980s, NP under PW Botha was under threat, and faced resistance from inside SA and from international
community.
Botha was forced to grant some concessions to Black people.
He ended the pass laws act, and this allowed blacks to move freely between the cities and the homelands. Botha also
ended the Separate Amenities Act, and allowed mixed races into various schools and facilities.
BUT Botha was only granting blacks these limited measures so that he would NOT have to carry out the main changes
which were to grant black people political rights and let them vote. He still had not unbanned the ANC, PAC and SACP.
In the 1980s Botha had also adopted a policy of “Total Strategy” which meant that he could use force to supress Black
opposition
Opposition – underground, in prison and in exile.
Umkhonto we Sizwe and POQO (armed wings of ANC and PAC respectively) leaders had been arrested by 1964. Others
were in exile, such as Oliver Tambo who led the ANC headquarters from Lusaka (Zambia).
PAC had bases in Lesotho and Tanzania.
Opposition movements made little progress in the 1970s as NP had strengthened South African Defence Force.
Until 1975 South Africa was surrounded by African states under white control.
ANC was poorly equipped and western states would not aid them owing to their communist links with the USSR
When Mozambique and Angola became independent in 1975, and Zimbabwe in 1980 it was possible for Umkhonto
weSizwe operatives to enter SA through these countries.
Internal opposition to National Party rule increased in 1976 following Soweto Uprising, and the formation of the
United Democratic Front in 1983.
Increasing numbers of disenchanted black youths joined the ANC underground structures.
ANC created “government in waiting” in Lusaka, there was a “Radio Freedom” ANC broadcast from Tanzania and
Zambia from 1963 informing blacks in SA of ANC activities.
, The nature and aims of Black Consciousness
In 1970s black South Africans who attended universities had to go to separate “bush
colleges” such as University of Zululand and the University of the North, in rural areas and
curricula closely monitored and controlled. Black lecturers were closely watched by
government. Black pupils lost their scholarships if involved in political affairs.
4 main aims:
1. To raise the respect and confidence of Black people
2. To promote pride in the black identity, culture and history
3. To Stop working with white liberals in multi racial organisations
4. To promote unity amongst black people
Why did Black Consciousness develop in SA in the 1970s?
1. Black Power was taking root in USA which stressed idea of black assertiveness.
2. Black youth of South Africa impressed and influenced by African leaders which had taken
over newly independent African countries.
3. Steve Biko is seen as being the DRIVING FORCE of the Black Consciousness Movement.
The role of Steve Biko
o In 1968, established new students’ organisation for black students called SASO (South
African Students Organisation)
o Studying medicine at University of Natal and active in NUSAS, (National Union of South
African Students), open to students of all races.
By leaving NUSAS and forming SASO, rejecting ANC policy of non-racialism and rejecting a
willingness to work together with whites.
o He felt NUSAS was dominated by whites, and he believed that blacks needed to free
themselves psychologically from the effects of being treated as inferiors of the whites.
o He felt blacks had developed inferiority complex and Black Consciousness therefore
preached self-determination
Black Consciousness was not black racism as Biko did not call for revenge on white society.
Biko believed that black students could not work with white liberals as they saw
themselves as being inferior to the white liberals and would allow the whites to make all
their decisions for them.
Introduction (not examinable)
The nature of the Apartheid state from 1964 to the 1980.
In 1960’s resistance in SA was relatively quiet as a result of State repression.
By 1964 NP had imprisoned leaders of Umkhonto weSizwe and leaders of PAC were also in jail.
By 1970 all Africans had to be citizens of Homeland instead of South Africa, and four homelands (Transkei,
Bophutatswana, Venda and the Ciskei) had been granted independence as a method to deny them political rights in
SA. The international community did not recognise the independence of these homelands.
An economic boom in 1960s led to urbanisation of many blacks and led to housing and services shortages in the
townships.
This boom ended with 1973 oil crisis, and wage reductions led to the striking of some 200 000 workers in the Durban
area.
In the 1970s the tide began to turn against the Apartheid Government or NP Government.
SA economy was negatively impacted by the 1973 world oil crisis.
Bantu Education resulted lack of skilled labour; and after a wave of strikes in 1973 government was forced to agree to
independent black trade unions.
In 1975, African countries of Angola and Mozambique gained their independence from Portugal, and African
governments allowed members of ANC’s military wing to launch attacks against NP from inside their borders.
The independence of Angola and Mozambique hope to black south Africans that their lives could change for the
better.
By 1980s, NP under PW Botha was under threat, and faced resistance from inside SA and from international
community.
Botha was forced to grant some concessions to Black people.
He ended the pass laws act, and this allowed blacks to move freely between the cities and the homelands. Botha also
ended the Separate Amenities Act, and allowed mixed races into various schools and facilities.
BUT Botha was only granting blacks these limited measures so that he would NOT have to carry out the main changes
which were to grant black people political rights and let them vote. He still had not unbanned the ANC, PAC and SACP.
In the 1980s Botha had also adopted a policy of “Total Strategy” which meant that he could use force to supress Black
opposition
Opposition – underground, in prison and in exile.
Umkhonto we Sizwe and POQO (armed wings of ANC and PAC respectively) leaders had been arrested by 1964. Others
were in exile, such as Oliver Tambo who led the ANC headquarters from Lusaka (Zambia).
PAC had bases in Lesotho and Tanzania.
Opposition movements made little progress in the 1970s as NP had strengthened South African Defence Force.
Until 1975 South Africa was surrounded by African states under white control.
ANC was poorly equipped and western states would not aid them owing to their communist links with the USSR
When Mozambique and Angola became independent in 1975, and Zimbabwe in 1980 it was possible for Umkhonto
weSizwe operatives to enter SA through these countries.
Internal opposition to National Party rule increased in 1976 following Soweto Uprising, and the formation of the
United Democratic Front in 1983.
Increasing numbers of disenchanted black youths joined the ANC underground structures.
ANC created “government in waiting” in Lusaka, there was a “Radio Freedom” ANC broadcast from Tanzania and
Zambia from 1963 informing blacks in SA of ANC activities.
, The nature and aims of Black Consciousness
In 1970s black South Africans who attended universities had to go to separate “bush
colleges” such as University of Zululand and the University of the North, in rural areas and
curricula closely monitored and controlled. Black lecturers were closely watched by
government. Black pupils lost their scholarships if involved in political affairs.
4 main aims:
1. To raise the respect and confidence of Black people
2. To promote pride in the black identity, culture and history
3. To Stop working with white liberals in multi racial organisations
4. To promote unity amongst black people
Why did Black Consciousness develop in SA in the 1970s?
1. Black Power was taking root in USA which stressed idea of black assertiveness.
2. Black youth of South Africa impressed and influenced by African leaders which had taken
over newly independent African countries.
3. Steve Biko is seen as being the DRIVING FORCE of the Black Consciousness Movement.
The role of Steve Biko
o In 1968, established new students’ organisation for black students called SASO (South
African Students Organisation)
o Studying medicine at University of Natal and active in NUSAS, (National Union of South
African Students), open to students of all races.
By leaving NUSAS and forming SASO, rejecting ANC policy of non-racialism and rejecting a
willingness to work together with whites.
o He felt NUSAS was dominated by whites, and he believed that blacks needed to free
themselves psychologically from the effects of being treated as inferiors of the whites.
o He felt blacks had developed inferiority complex and Black Consciousness therefore
preached self-determination
Black Consciousness was not black racism as Biko did not call for revenge on white society.
Biko believed that black students could not work with white liberals as they saw
themselves as being inferior to the white liberals and would allow the whites to make all
their decisions for them.
