Economic Factionalism; A Discourse into the Fragmentation induced by the Economic interplay between nation states as a result of a post-
hegemonic economic system;
Thesis;
Economic factionalism has been facilitated by a global social and political system which favours state sovereignty. This sense of division is often
catalysed by a philosophy which views objective economic superiority as a mechanism to retain an increased competitive edge within the global
system of power politics. This sense of social interplay intertwined with a notion of the requisite need of economic advancement has facilitated a
mentality which no longer caters to an economic hegemon or one-nation super state in terms of economic strength. The recognition of the
versatility of the global market place, the force of competitive labour as well as the ingratiation with a system which focuses on building relations
between core and peripheral nations has led to an enhanced sense of gravitation away from state-based incentive to group-based mentality. The
BRIC’s is seen as a major economic group with Western countries such as the US often pairing together with regards to international trade to broker
economic incentives for growth, usually through unilateral coalition arrangements, especially from an economic perspective. There has been a
frequent sense of oscillation between the two existential paradigms of economic behaviour, namely state-based protectionist measures and
collectivist mentality of factional economic groups which operate within the same geopolitical and geo-economic paradigm of development.
The idea of economic enlightenment stems from using and deconstructing the approaches taken in the past and their application to a modern
context. The economic ideas of Keynes helped to facilitate the notion of modern analysis, in the West’s view. However, the underlying theme which
formulates his approach to the idea of analysis is rooted in the deconstruction of objective economic principles and truths. Through using Keynes’
model and his philosophy as applied to economic activity, this can offer the intellectual scaffolding which can be built on to contemplate the
approach taken by Western economies, especially the UK. However, irrespective of economic ideological orientation, objective analysis can and
should be applied which gives weight to observations of economic growth or stagnation; with empirical valuations used as a tool for analysis.
Empiricism must always be applied especially in the context of utilisation of market forces to inform the discourse into modern market forces and
economic growth. This helps to quantify the extent of a competitive advantage or the measures taken to achieve a competitive advantage. Socially
Darwinist economic influences can project future outcomes and the forecasting mechanisms can be used for benefit to all parties involved. Through
the Bretton Woods System there came flourishment of economic harmonisation with political incentivising. The modern renaissance of
technological centrism has been a factor in modern work ethic and we can cross reference this idea with older economic models and traditionalist
insights, to contrast the modern digital marketplace with previous economic value-systems. The very notion of economic analysis stemmed from
Adam Smith with his Wealth of Nations idea stimulating many ideas such as the intricacies of supply and demand relevant to modern insights.
Keynes was a member of the Bloomsbury group, he took a variety of different ideas and applied them to economic theory. Through a great
initiative he decided on protecting institutional buy back rights and ensured that the means of production would always be safeguarded. The
transference of ideology to application was in effect highly effective in his ability to be both diplomatic and economic when it came to long-term
thinking. Whether we discuss the supply/demand vector or the socio-economic paradigm, there are always features which stimulate change.
If one bloc of economic activity threatens another bloc, this is part of the macroeconomic landscape and factionalism will always be a mechanism
for division as rather than an integrated global system of economic activity, there is an element of fragmentation into collectivist groupings and
blocs. This encourages increased volatility as instead of growth, there is a rather Machiavellian need to orchestrate a system based on one-
upmanship, engaging in the spectacle of economic unity whilst being primarily interested in state advancement. However, a protocol must be
adopted to approach the issue from a certain economic standpoint of longevity; which often leads to conflict especially between countries or
collectives with differing economic vantage points and differing perspectives. Borders and customs unions for instance are used to facilitate
economic development; however, we must blend the principle of the economic linkage with the economic détente. In this sense for every unilateral
discussion towards economic peace and cohesion there is an ‘easing’ of economic relations brought on by state-based incentive. This entails a
philosophy which relies on the idea of an economic bloc, as whilst within the economic faction there is strength between a group of nations, state-
based incentive will always be at the heart of the agenda with the use of soft power and hard power approaches to dominate an external market
being frequently at the forefront.
Economics can be viewed as a discipline which has a marked interrelationship with the field of psychological analysis. To actively deconstruct the
issues which face the machinery of the global economic engine, it becomes a matter of predominant interest to dematerialise economic activity
from a purely algorithmic and mathematical mode of operation. Through dematerialising the global economy and by understanding the features of
volatility, economic uncertainty and economic stabilisation it becomes clear that there is a necessity to implement a measure of psychological
rationale. Through deviating from the traditional schema of economic deconstruction, and by shifting from objective economic quantification, the
subjective elements of the field of economics become more pronounced. This includes the force of consumerism through socio-economic and
demographic considerations, understanding the system of economic stratification from the economically prosperous to the economically
disadvantaged as well as the psychological impulses which shape purchase and selling. This approach, one which actively analyses the economic
machinery of both Western nations and Eastern ones through the lens of psychological empiricism can in essence serve as the bedrock to
understanding the economic psychology of states, blocs and nations. The cultural and economic influences of a national economy, for example can
be analysed through its psychological drivers. For instance, if there is a perceived threat from an external power, this can be viewed as an act of
aggression. This can have a trickle-down effect, in essence catalysing greater protectionist measures on the part of the nation. Through leveraging a
protectionist philosophy with an engrained economic threat, there is a need to expand its protectionist regime especially during times of economic
uncertainty and inherent market volatility. With a generic atmosphere of uncertainty, the need to ring-fence the economy becomes a national
concern, and thus policy and economic activity become inextricably linked. The idea of psychological empiricism, is essentially an act of understand
observations related to economic activity through the lens of psychological deconstruction. In the case of the UK and its relationship with the EU,
we can see the manifestation of the idea of the psychology of economic activity, through the spectacle of economic distancing. Through in essence
leaving a collective group and distancing itself from economic, political and social commitments in this area there is an engrained desire for self-
sufficiency and internal regulation. Labour’s desire to increase taxation, ring-fence institutional entities and safeguard internal democratic
governance could be seen as derived from an embedded cultural psychology, which stems from the need to rely on a process of internalised
regulation due to its absence from the collectivist groupings such as the EU. This form of economic homeostasis, the idea of regulating the internal
economic environment, however has led to a more stringent approach to economic growth. Focussing more on institutional protectionism and
economic safeguarding, there is a sense of protectionism taking precedence over growth, potentially brought on by a weakened economic position
in part relating to the easing of relations between large factional blocs such as the EU, and its own national economic interest. In essence, through
an engineered fissure between the EU and the UK, group operations and ‘insider’/’outsider’ dynamics play a more pivotal role. Through distancing
itself from fortified economic bloc, there comes an element of alienation. Through disbanding and focussing on solitary concerns, not only does this
ensure a more national interest but demonstrates reduced commitment to the group’s activities. Thus, the former economic participant becomes
ostracised, due to its perceived weakness arising from departing from the collective grouping. This could inadvertently culminate in punitive
measures being taken against the former participant, with an engrained psychological impetus to shun the ‘other’.
hegemonic economic system;
Thesis;
Economic factionalism has been facilitated by a global social and political system which favours state sovereignty. This sense of division is often
catalysed by a philosophy which views objective economic superiority as a mechanism to retain an increased competitive edge within the global
system of power politics. This sense of social interplay intertwined with a notion of the requisite need of economic advancement has facilitated a
mentality which no longer caters to an economic hegemon or one-nation super state in terms of economic strength. The recognition of the
versatility of the global market place, the force of competitive labour as well as the ingratiation with a system which focuses on building relations
between core and peripheral nations has led to an enhanced sense of gravitation away from state-based incentive to group-based mentality. The
BRIC’s is seen as a major economic group with Western countries such as the US often pairing together with regards to international trade to broker
economic incentives for growth, usually through unilateral coalition arrangements, especially from an economic perspective. There has been a
frequent sense of oscillation between the two existential paradigms of economic behaviour, namely state-based protectionist measures and
collectivist mentality of factional economic groups which operate within the same geopolitical and geo-economic paradigm of development.
The idea of economic enlightenment stems from using and deconstructing the approaches taken in the past and their application to a modern
context. The economic ideas of Keynes helped to facilitate the notion of modern analysis, in the West’s view. However, the underlying theme which
formulates his approach to the idea of analysis is rooted in the deconstruction of objective economic principles and truths. Through using Keynes’
model and his philosophy as applied to economic activity, this can offer the intellectual scaffolding which can be built on to contemplate the
approach taken by Western economies, especially the UK. However, irrespective of economic ideological orientation, objective analysis can and
should be applied which gives weight to observations of economic growth or stagnation; with empirical valuations used as a tool for analysis.
Empiricism must always be applied especially in the context of utilisation of market forces to inform the discourse into modern market forces and
economic growth. This helps to quantify the extent of a competitive advantage or the measures taken to achieve a competitive advantage. Socially
Darwinist economic influences can project future outcomes and the forecasting mechanisms can be used for benefit to all parties involved. Through
the Bretton Woods System there came flourishment of economic harmonisation with political incentivising. The modern renaissance of
technological centrism has been a factor in modern work ethic and we can cross reference this idea with older economic models and traditionalist
insights, to contrast the modern digital marketplace with previous economic value-systems. The very notion of economic analysis stemmed from
Adam Smith with his Wealth of Nations idea stimulating many ideas such as the intricacies of supply and demand relevant to modern insights.
Keynes was a member of the Bloomsbury group, he took a variety of different ideas and applied them to economic theory. Through a great
initiative he decided on protecting institutional buy back rights and ensured that the means of production would always be safeguarded. The
transference of ideology to application was in effect highly effective in his ability to be both diplomatic and economic when it came to long-term
thinking. Whether we discuss the supply/demand vector or the socio-economic paradigm, there are always features which stimulate change.
If one bloc of economic activity threatens another bloc, this is part of the macroeconomic landscape and factionalism will always be a mechanism
for division as rather than an integrated global system of economic activity, there is an element of fragmentation into collectivist groupings and
blocs. This encourages increased volatility as instead of growth, there is a rather Machiavellian need to orchestrate a system based on one-
upmanship, engaging in the spectacle of economic unity whilst being primarily interested in state advancement. However, a protocol must be
adopted to approach the issue from a certain economic standpoint of longevity; which often leads to conflict especially between countries or
collectives with differing economic vantage points and differing perspectives. Borders and customs unions for instance are used to facilitate
economic development; however, we must blend the principle of the economic linkage with the economic détente. In this sense for every unilateral
discussion towards economic peace and cohesion there is an ‘easing’ of economic relations brought on by state-based incentive. This entails a
philosophy which relies on the idea of an economic bloc, as whilst within the economic faction there is strength between a group of nations, state-
based incentive will always be at the heart of the agenda with the use of soft power and hard power approaches to dominate an external market
being frequently at the forefront.
Economics can be viewed as a discipline which has a marked interrelationship with the field of psychological analysis. To actively deconstruct the
issues which face the machinery of the global economic engine, it becomes a matter of predominant interest to dematerialise economic activity
from a purely algorithmic and mathematical mode of operation. Through dematerialising the global economy and by understanding the features of
volatility, economic uncertainty and economic stabilisation it becomes clear that there is a necessity to implement a measure of psychological
rationale. Through deviating from the traditional schema of economic deconstruction, and by shifting from objective economic quantification, the
subjective elements of the field of economics become more pronounced. This includes the force of consumerism through socio-economic and
demographic considerations, understanding the system of economic stratification from the economically prosperous to the economically
disadvantaged as well as the psychological impulses which shape purchase and selling. This approach, one which actively analyses the economic
machinery of both Western nations and Eastern ones through the lens of psychological empiricism can in essence serve as the bedrock to
understanding the economic psychology of states, blocs and nations. The cultural and economic influences of a national economy, for example can
be analysed through its psychological drivers. For instance, if there is a perceived threat from an external power, this can be viewed as an act of
aggression. This can have a trickle-down effect, in essence catalysing greater protectionist measures on the part of the nation. Through leveraging a
protectionist philosophy with an engrained economic threat, there is a need to expand its protectionist regime especially during times of economic
uncertainty and inherent market volatility. With a generic atmosphere of uncertainty, the need to ring-fence the economy becomes a national
concern, and thus policy and economic activity become inextricably linked. The idea of psychological empiricism, is essentially an act of understand
observations related to economic activity through the lens of psychological deconstruction. In the case of the UK and its relationship with the EU,
we can see the manifestation of the idea of the psychology of economic activity, through the spectacle of economic distancing. Through in essence
leaving a collective group and distancing itself from economic, political and social commitments in this area there is an engrained desire for self-
sufficiency and internal regulation. Labour’s desire to increase taxation, ring-fence institutional entities and safeguard internal democratic
governance could be seen as derived from an embedded cultural psychology, which stems from the need to rely on a process of internalised
regulation due to its absence from the collectivist groupings such as the EU. This form of economic homeostasis, the idea of regulating the internal
economic environment, however has led to a more stringent approach to economic growth. Focussing more on institutional protectionism and
economic safeguarding, there is a sense of protectionism taking precedence over growth, potentially brought on by a weakened economic position
in part relating to the easing of relations between large factional blocs such as the EU, and its own national economic interest. In essence, through
an engineered fissure between the EU and the UK, group operations and ‘insider’/’outsider’ dynamics play a more pivotal role. Through distancing
itself from fortified economic bloc, there comes an element of alienation. Through disbanding and focussing on solitary concerns, not only does this
ensure a more national interest but demonstrates reduced commitment to the group’s activities. Thus, the former economic participant becomes
ostracised, due to its perceived weakness arising from departing from the collective grouping. This could inadvertently culminate in punitive
measures being taken against the former participant, with an engrained psychological impetus to shun the ‘other’.
