APC2602
EXAM PACK
2023
,APC2602 EXAM PACK
2023
LATEST QUESTIONS
AND ANSWERS
, APC2602 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AFRICA EXAM PACK
QUESTION 1
Explain Chabal’s (2002 Reader article) argument that, “contemporary politics in Africa
is best understood as the exercise of neo-patrimonial power.”
Neopatrimonialism is a system of social hierarchy where patrons use state resources in order
to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. It is a system in which an office of
power is used for personal uses and gains as opposed to a strict division of the private and
public spheres. It is a political regime based on the personal use of one man or party of public
resources and the preferential appointment of civil servants. This could be a manifestation of
corrupt practices and illegitimate behaviour according to the international community.
A neo-patrimonial regime makes the government a transfer pump. The government collects
resources and distributes them to its supporters. While such transfers may be a feature of
many political systems, in functioning democracies the transfers are more impartial and based
on the needs of the public at large. On the other hand, in neo-patrimonial systems the
transfers only benefit particular groups who are connected to the politicians through
patronage networks at the cost of the rest of the constituents.
The basic structure of neopatrimonial regimes consists of three sectors – the “ins.” The
“outs;” and the government. The government derives its support by providing patronage to
the “ins” (clients, cronies etc.) and funds this by taxing the “outs”.
Resource distribution in neopatrimonial systems is always motivated by the patron’s
incentive to ensure incumbency. However, the specific resources and distributive
mechanisms of patronage networks vary by the cultural, economic and political institutions
found in a particular country. Distribution of resources or benefits might be primarily be
motivated by personal relationships or ethnic/ tribal loyalties. In such cases distribution can
take the form of personal favours such as, appointing relatives or people from the ruler’s
ethnic/tribal group to important government posts. This has been found to be the case in
countries as diverse as Cameroon and Zaire.
The significance of Neo-patrimonialism and the extent to which it has permeated African
politics requires deep exploration. These neo-patrimonial practices are not just a
characteristic of the African regimes but rather the core feature of post-colonial politics in
Africa. After independence, liberation movements found themselves leading fragmented and
very young states, hence, the Africanisation of the bureaucracy in the form of authoritarian
patrimonialism to ensure unity and economic strength in these weak states.
Neo-patrimonialism is significant in terms of policy design and implementation.
Neopatrimonial politics have developed the capacity of being able to divert public resources,
from national tax revenues and aid funds for private lucrative gain, thereby undermining
development possibilities already restricted by social and economic constraints. In the case of
1|Page
EXAM PACK
2023
,APC2602 EXAM PACK
2023
LATEST QUESTIONS
AND ANSWERS
, APC2602 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AFRICA EXAM PACK
QUESTION 1
Explain Chabal’s (2002 Reader article) argument that, “contemporary politics in Africa
is best understood as the exercise of neo-patrimonial power.”
Neopatrimonialism is a system of social hierarchy where patrons use state resources in order
to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. It is a system in which an office of
power is used for personal uses and gains as opposed to a strict division of the private and
public spheres. It is a political regime based on the personal use of one man or party of public
resources and the preferential appointment of civil servants. This could be a manifestation of
corrupt practices and illegitimate behaviour according to the international community.
A neo-patrimonial regime makes the government a transfer pump. The government collects
resources and distributes them to its supporters. While such transfers may be a feature of
many political systems, in functioning democracies the transfers are more impartial and based
on the needs of the public at large. On the other hand, in neo-patrimonial systems the
transfers only benefit particular groups who are connected to the politicians through
patronage networks at the cost of the rest of the constituents.
The basic structure of neopatrimonial regimes consists of three sectors – the “ins.” The
“outs;” and the government. The government derives its support by providing patronage to
the “ins” (clients, cronies etc.) and funds this by taxing the “outs”.
Resource distribution in neopatrimonial systems is always motivated by the patron’s
incentive to ensure incumbency. However, the specific resources and distributive
mechanisms of patronage networks vary by the cultural, economic and political institutions
found in a particular country. Distribution of resources or benefits might be primarily be
motivated by personal relationships or ethnic/ tribal loyalties. In such cases distribution can
take the form of personal favours such as, appointing relatives or people from the ruler’s
ethnic/tribal group to important government posts. This has been found to be the case in
countries as diverse as Cameroon and Zaire.
The significance of Neo-patrimonialism and the extent to which it has permeated African
politics requires deep exploration. These neo-patrimonial practices are not just a
characteristic of the African regimes but rather the core feature of post-colonial politics in
Africa. After independence, liberation movements found themselves leading fragmented and
very young states, hence, the Africanisation of the bureaucracy in the form of authoritarian
patrimonialism to ensure unity and economic strength in these weak states.
Neo-patrimonialism is significant in terms of policy design and implementation.
Neopatrimonial politics have developed the capacity of being able to divert public resources,
from national tax revenues and aid funds for private lucrative gain, thereby undermining
development possibilities already restricted by social and economic constraints. In the case of
1|Page
