It could be said that UK democracy faces a ‘participation crisis’, in which a large proportion of
citizens do not engage in political processes. The view that there is a crisis is largely supported by
the fact that traditional methods of measuring participation, such as voter turnout and party
membership have been on the decline. This leads to the legitimacy, or ‘right to rule’, of the
government being in doubt. However, the rise of new methods of participation on an individual or
informal level, such as pressure participant group involvement and online activism may suggest that
there is not a participation crisis. Despite this, the impact of these modern methods is arguably not
enough to replace traditional methods which suggests there is a participation crisis in the UK.
It could be argued that there is a participation crisis as there has been a long-term decline in voter
turnout, not just in general elections but in local elections as well. For example, in the period
between 1945 and 1992, turnout averaged at 75%, whereas the 2001 general election only 59% of
the electorate voted. Furthermore, turnout in local elections has consistently been lower than that
in general elections; the referendum for the creation of a London Mayor had a turnout of just 33%.
The fact that turnout is so low therefore suggests that there is a participation crisis, as voting is
arguably the most important method of participation, as it is an obligation of citizens towards their
state and a key factor in determining the legitimacy of the government. Furthermore, this is
evidently an ongoing problem among the electorate, which could indicate voter apathy and fatigue
on a widespread scale, suggesting that there is a participation crisis. However, the number of
opportunities to vote has been increasing and there has been a rise in the use of referendums,
particularly with devolved assemblies. For example, the Scottish Independence Referendum saw a
turnout of 85%. This suggests there is not a participation crisis. Yet the increased number of
opportunities to vote may be contributing to voter fatigue and turnout in elections other than
referendums is still lower than we might expect. Overall, despite some cases of high turnout, there
is still low voter turnout, which significantly supports the claim that there is a participation crisis.
Conversely, it could be argued that there is not a participation crisis due to the development of
modern methods of political engagement, such as participation online and in pressure groups. For
example, there has been a large rise in the number and membership of pressure groups such as
Extinction Rebellion which has over 130 groups across the country. This has in turn led to a rise in
individual methods of participation, particularly online methods. These include online petitions,
‘clicktivism’ and political consumerism. This suggests that there is not a participation crisis, and that
instead the electorate is engaging with politics on a more personal level, choosing to participate
through pressure groups that focus on specific issues and therefore setting a public agenda for the
government, as opposed to traditional methods of participation such as voting or joining a political
party. In particular, it is groups with insider status that have a more direct impact on government
policy, which indicates that modern methods of participation have put an end to the participation
crisis. However, online participation is often shallow and does little to support democracy, as it is
usually short-lived and at a very low level with little effort. To add to this, pressure groups of a lower
status and wealth may have little impact on government decisions, especially if the party already has
a clear stance on an issue. On the whole, the modern methods of participation cannot fully replace
traditional methods, and while they are widespread, can encourage political participation of a low
quality, which contributes to the participation crisis.
citizens do not engage in political processes. The view that there is a crisis is largely supported by
the fact that traditional methods of measuring participation, such as voter turnout and party
membership have been on the decline. This leads to the legitimacy, or ‘right to rule’, of the
government being in doubt. However, the rise of new methods of participation on an individual or
informal level, such as pressure participant group involvement and online activism may suggest that
there is not a participation crisis. Despite this, the impact of these modern methods is arguably not
enough to replace traditional methods which suggests there is a participation crisis in the UK.
It could be argued that there is a participation crisis as there has been a long-term decline in voter
turnout, not just in general elections but in local elections as well. For example, in the period
between 1945 and 1992, turnout averaged at 75%, whereas the 2001 general election only 59% of
the electorate voted. Furthermore, turnout in local elections has consistently been lower than that
in general elections; the referendum for the creation of a London Mayor had a turnout of just 33%.
The fact that turnout is so low therefore suggests that there is a participation crisis, as voting is
arguably the most important method of participation, as it is an obligation of citizens towards their
state and a key factor in determining the legitimacy of the government. Furthermore, this is
evidently an ongoing problem among the electorate, which could indicate voter apathy and fatigue
on a widespread scale, suggesting that there is a participation crisis. However, the number of
opportunities to vote has been increasing and there has been a rise in the use of referendums,
particularly with devolved assemblies. For example, the Scottish Independence Referendum saw a
turnout of 85%. This suggests there is not a participation crisis. Yet the increased number of
opportunities to vote may be contributing to voter fatigue and turnout in elections other than
referendums is still lower than we might expect. Overall, despite some cases of high turnout, there
is still low voter turnout, which significantly supports the claim that there is a participation crisis.
Conversely, it could be argued that there is not a participation crisis due to the development of
modern methods of political engagement, such as participation online and in pressure groups. For
example, there has been a large rise in the number and membership of pressure groups such as
Extinction Rebellion which has over 130 groups across the country. This has in turn led to a rise in
individual methods of participation, particularly online methods. These include online petitions,
‘clicktivism’ and political consumerism. This suggests that there is not a participation crisis, and that
instead the electorate is engaging with politics on a more personal level, choosing to participate
through pressure groups that focus on specific issues and therefore setting a public agenda for the
government, as opposed to traditional methods of participation such as voting or joining a political
party. In particular, it is groups with insider status that have a more direct impact on government
policy, which indicates that modern methods of participation have put an end to the participation
crisis. However, online participation is often shallow and does little to support democracy, as it is
usually short-lived and at a very low level with little effort. To add to this, pressure groups of a lower
status and wealth may have little impact on government decisions, especially if the party already has
a clear stance on an issue. On the whole, the modern methods of participation cannot fully replace
traditional methods, and while they are widespread, can encourage political participation of a low
quality, which contributes to the participation crisis.
