Samenvattingen literatuur Criminal Behaviour
Week 1
Elder, johnson and Crosnoe (2003). Handbook of the Life Course.
Social pathways are the trajectories of education and work, family and residences that are
followed by individuals and groups through society. These pathways are shaped by historical
forces and are often structured by social institutions. Individuals generally work out their
own life course and trajectories in relation to institutionalized pathways and normative
patterns.
Trajectories or sequences of roles and experiences, are themselves made up of
transitions, which are changes in state or role. The time between transitions is known as a
duration. Transitions often involve changes in status or identity, both personally and socially,
and thus open up opportunities for behavioral change. Turning points involve a substantial
change in the direction of one’s life, whether subjective or objective.
Hirschi and Gottfredson (1989). Age and the distribution of crime.
Hirschi and Gottfredson have disputed the traditional sociological view of the age-crime
relationship, arguing instead that the age distribution of crime is essentially invariant across
time and space, regardless of offense.
Expectations prior to the research:
1. Most crimes peak in adolescence or early adulthood, then decline fairly steadily;
2. Crime types vary in peak ages of criminality and in rates of decline from the peak;
3. Because of the effect of industrialization, peak ages have become younger over the
past four decades, and the descent of the age curve from the peak has become
steeper.
Both labeling theory and social-control theory can contribute to an understanding of these
general patterns. Also strain theory, opportunity theory and differential
association/reinforcement can explain age-crime patterns. Juveniles have more sources of
reinforcement for involvement in low yield, high-risk types of behavior represented by such
offenses as burglary, robbery and vandalism. For most juveniles, they are also "low-
yield" or exploratory offenses that, like the drug and alcohol offense categories,
provide "thrills" and peer acceptance as much as or more than real financial gain.
Because such crimes are low yield and high risk, their age-specific rates will peak
at an early age and drop off quickly during the transition from adolescence to
adulthood. Those who remain unscathed by negative labels will have noncriminal
identities confirmed at the same time as their stakes in conformity are
increasing.
But, since the motivation and the opportunity for different kinds of crime are age
related, it is not plausible to expect every offense category to follow a pattern of
early peak age and rapid decline. The effects of social contingencies may vary for
different crimes and age groups; if so, criminological theory must address these
,variations, and a single "global" explanation of the age-crime relationship may be
unrealistic.
The following findings have been found in the contemporary age distribution of
crime by type of crime.
- The total rates are very low before age 13, after which they rise sharply in
the teens and then decline gradually among older age groups. In other
words, while the sharp rise in total arrest rates among teens approximates
the proposed invariance pattern, the much more gradual decline does not.
- Within each of the four offense-type groupings there are some offenses
that peak early and decline quickly but others that peak later and decline
more slowly:
○ Teen years and decline slowly: Robbery, auto theft and vandalism
○ Late 20s or older and decline slowly: Forgery, fraud and gambling
In other words; for property crimes, there are at least two distinct types of
age distributions, which we may characterize as "young" and "old."
- Among the substance abuse crimes, the timing of crime is younger and
considerably more skewed for liquor and drug violations than it is for public
drunkenness and driving under the influence.
- Age distributions for most offenses are quite different from the pattern for
burglary. Only four of the offense categories (auto theft, vandalism,
larceny and robbery) are homogeneous with burglary in the age
distribution of arrests.
All of these results are inconsistent with the invariance hypothesis. Instead they
demonstrate that there is considerable heterogeneity in the age distribution of
arrests across offense categories.
The conclusion of the Steffensmeier et. al paper is:
- They reject the hypothesis that the age distribution of crime is invariant (=
onveranderbaar) across crime types and over time.
- The consistency of these findings for the differences in the data of
developed and
advanced nations supports the position that industrialization has played an
important
role in changing the age-crime relation
- More profitable property crimes with lower risks, as well as most person
crimes,
public-order offenses, and alcohol abuse, all have much flatter age curves
and a slower drop-off in rates of offending
Thus, there is not a single age pattern, as suggested by Hirschi and
Gottfredson, but several.
Hirschi and Gottfredson (1983). Age and the explanation of crime.
Hypotheses
1. The age distribution of crime is invariant across social and cultural conditions;
Conclusie: soms zijn de sociale omstandigheden een beetje actief, maar meestal
niet.
2. theories of crime that do not explicitly attend to age have no logical or empirical
obligation to do so and should not be judged by their apparent ability or inability to
, account for the age effect; conclusie: klopt. Het age effect is er sowieso, en deze
theorieën staan er los van want ze verklaren het niet.
3. the age distribution of crime cannot be accounted for by any variable or combination
of variables currently available to criminology; conclusie: klopt, er is geen bewijs
voor gevonden.
4. explanations focusing explicitly on the age effect must be compatible with an
apparently direct effect of age on crime; Conclusie: zoals eerder besproken, hier is
nog geen empirisch bewijs voor gevonden.
5. the conceptual apparatus that has grown up around the age effect is largely
redundant or misleading; conclusie: klopt.
6. identification of the causes of crime at any age may suffice to identify them at other
ages as well; if so, cohort or other longitudinal designs are not necessary for the
proper study of crime causation. Conclusie: klopt, factoren die komen als je ouder
wordt, zoals trouwen, hebben geen effect op criminaliteit. Er is namelijk geen
verschil tussen mensen die niet trouwen en mensen die wel trouwen.
Week 2
Moffitt (1993). Adolescence limited and life-course-persistent
antisocial behavior.
A dual taxonomy: this theory predicts life-course persistent deviant behavior.
1. It shows impressive continuity over age.
2. Its prevalence changes drastically over age and increasing temporarily by almost a
factor of 10 during adolescence.
Many people behave antisocially, but this is temporary and situational. In contrast the
antisocial behavior of some people is very stable and persistent.
Both prevalence and incidence of offending appear highest during adolescence; they peak
sharply at about age 17 and drop precipitously in young adulthood. Research on childhood
conduct disorder has now documented that antisocial behavior begins long before the age
when it is first encoded in police data banks.
Adult antisocial behavior virtually requires childhood antisocial behavior, yet most antisocial
youths do not become antisocial adults. The stability of antisocial behavior is closely linked
to its extremity.
Life course persistent individuals :
- Beginnings / onset:
neuropsychological characteristics that increase the risk of anti-social behavior, caused by
lower self-control etc. neuropsychological factors are inheritable, so kids with
neuropsychological dysfunctions tend to have parents with the same dysfunctions. This
means that parents inadvertently provide their children with criminogenic environments.
- Maintenance and elaboration over the life course:
Anti-social individuals have a higher chance of being surrounded by other anti-social
individuals.
Week 1
Elder, johnson and Crosnoe (2003). Handbook of the Life Course.
Social pathways are the trajectories of education and work, family and residences that are
followed by individuals and groups through society. These pathways are shaped by historical
forces and are often structured by social institutions. Individuals generally work out their
own life course and trajectories in relation to institutionalized pathways and normative
patterns.
Trajectories or sequences of roles and experiences, are themselves made up of
transitions, which are changes in state or role. The time between transitions is known as a
duration. Transitions often involve changes in status or identity, both personally and socially,
and thus open up opportunities for behavioral change. Turning points involve a substantial
change in the direction of one’s life, whether subjective or objective.
Hirschi and Gottfredson (1989). Age and the distribution of crime.
Hirschi and Gottfredson have disputed the traditional sociological view of the age-crime
relationship, arguing instead that the age distribution of crime is essentially invariant across
time and space, regardless of offense.
Expectations prior to the research:
1. Most crimes peak in adolescence or early adulthood, then decline fairly steadily;
2. Crime types vary in peak ages of criminality and in rates of decline from the peak;
3. Because of the effect of industrialization, peak ages have become younger over the
past four decades, and the descent of the age curve from the peak has become
steeper.
Both labeling theory and social-control theory can contribute to an understanding of these
general patterns. Also strain theory, opportunity theory and differential
association/reinforcement can explain age-crime patterns. Juveniles have more sources of
reinforcement for involvement in low yield, high-risk types of behavior represented by such
offenses as burglary, robbery and vandalism. For most juveniles, they are also "low-
yield" or exploratory offenses that, like the drug and alcohol offense categories,
provide "thrills" and peer acceptance as much as or more than real financial gain.
Because such crimes are low yield and high risk, their age-specific rates will peak
at an early age and drop off quickly during the transition from adolescence to
adulthood. Those who remain unscathed by negative labels will have noncriminal
identities confirmed at the same time as their stakes in conformity are
increasing.
But, since the motivation and the opportunity for different kinds of crime are age
related, it is not plausible to expect every offense category to follow a pattern of
early peak age and rapid decline. The effects of social contingencies may vary for
different crimes and age groups; if so, criminological theory must address these
,variations, and a single "global" explanation of the age-crime relationship may be
unrealistic.
The following findings have been found in the contemporary age distribution of
crime by type of crime.
- The total rates are very low before age 13, after which they rise sharply in
the teens and then decline gradually among older age groups. In other
words, while the sharp rise in total arrest rates among teens approximates
the proposed invariance pattern, the much more gradual decline does not.
- Within each of the four offense-type groupings there are some offenses
that peak early and decline quickly but others that peak later and decline
more slowly:
○ Teen years and decline slowly: Robbery, auto theft and vandalism
○ Late 20s or older and decline slowly: Forgery, fraud and gambling
In other words; for property crimes, there are at least two distinct types of
age distributions, which we may characterize as "young" and "old."
- Among the substance abuse crimes, the timing of crime is younger and
considerably more skewed for liquor and drug violations than it is for public
drunkenness and driving under the influence.
- Age distributions for most offenses are quite different from the pattern for
burglary. Only four of the offense categories (auto theft, vandalism,
larceny and robbery) are homogeneous with burglary in the age
distribution of arrests.
All of these results are inconsistent with the invariance hypothesis. Instead they
demonstrate that there is considerable heterogeneity in the age distribution of
arrests across offense categories.
The conclusion of the Steffensmeier et. al paper is:
- They reject the hypothesis that the age distribution of crime is invariant (=
onveranderbaar) across crime types and over time.
- The consistency of these findings for the differences in the data of
developed and
advanced nations supports the position that industrialization has played an
important
role in changing the age-crime relation
- More profitable property crimes with lower risks, as well as most person
crimes,
public-order offenses, and alcohol abuse, all have much flatter age curves
and a slower drop-off in rates of offending
Thus, there is not a single age pattern, as suggested by Hirschi and
Gottfredson, but several.
Hirschi and Gottfredson (1983). Age and the explanation of crime.
Hypotheses
1. The age distribution of crime is invariant across social and cultural conditions;
Conclusie: soms zijn de sociale omstandigheden een beetje actief, maar meestal
niet.
2. theories of crime that do not explicitly attend to age have no logical or empirical
obligation to do so and should not be judged by their apparent ability or inability to
, account for the age effect; conclusie: klopt. Het age effect is er sowieso, en deze
theorieën staan er los van want ze verklaren het niet.
3. the age distribution of crime cannot be accounted for by any variable or combination
of variables currently available to criminology; conclusie: klopt, er is geen bewijs
voor gevonden.
4. explanations focusing explicitly on the age effect must be compatible with an
apparently direct effect of age on crime; Conclusie: zoals eerder besproken, hier is
nog geen empirisch bewijs voor gevonden.
5. the conceptual apparatus that has grown up around the age effect is largely
redundant or misleading; conclusie: klopt.
6. identification of the causes of crime at any age may suffice to identify them at other
ages as well; if so, cohort or other longitudinal designs are not necessary for the
proper study of crime causation. Conclusie: klopt, factoren die komen als je ouder
wordt, zoals trouwen, hebben geen effect op criminaliteit. Er is namelijk geen
verschil tussen mensen die niet trouwen en mensen die wel trouwen.
Week 2
Moffitt (1993). Adolescence limited and life-course-persistent
antisocial behavior.
A dual taxonomy: this theory predicts life-course persistent deviant behavior.
1. It shows impressive continuity over age.
2. Its prevalence changes drastically over age and increasing temporarily by almost a
factor of 10 during adolescence.
Many people behave antisocially, but this is temporary and situational. In contrast the
antisocial behavior of some people is very stable and persistent.
Both prevalence and incidence of offending appear highest during adolescence; they peak
sharply at about age 17 and drop precipitously in young adulthood. Research on childhood
conduct disorder has now documented that antisocial behavior begins long before the age
when it is first encoded in police data banks.
Adult antisocial behavior virtually requires childhood antisocial behavior, yet most antisocial
youths do not become antisocial adults. The stability of antisocial behavior is closely linked
to its extremity.
Life course persistent individuals :
- Beginnings / onset:
neuropsychological characteristics that increase the risk of anti-social behavior, caused by
lower self-control etc. neuropsychological factors are inheritable, so kids with
neuropsychological dysfunctions tend to have parents with the same dysfunctions. This
means that parents inadvertently provide their children with criminogenic environments.
- Maintenance and elaboration over the life course:
Anti-social individuals have a higher chance of being surrounded by other anti-social
individuals.
