ENG3701
ASSIGNMENT 3 2025
UNIQUE NO.
DUE DATE: 2025
, lOMoARcPSD|18222662
Politics of the English Language: Origin, spread, responses and influences of/on
the English Language
Language, Identity and Unity in South Africa: A Comparison of Silva (1997) and
Schneider (2007)
Introduction
The role of language in nation-building is especially critical in postcolonial societies
which are multilingual, with colonial legacies, deep inequalities, and competing
identities. In South Africa, with its eleven official languages and history of apartheid, the
question of how linguistic diversity, English, and national unity interact is especially
complex. Penny Silva (1997) in “The Lexis of South African English: Reflections of a
Multilingual Society” and Edgar W. Schneider (2007) in Postcolonial English: Varieties
around the World (Chapter 5.2) both examine this terrain. While both authors
acknowledge the pervasive importance of English, they approach its role, effects on
diversity, and impact on unity from different angles. This essay compares their
arguments, showing where they converge and diverge with respect to linguistic
diversity, the role of English, and the implications for national unity.
Linguistic Diversity: Recognition and Significance
Silva foregrounds linguistic diversity very explicitly. She begins by noting that post-1994
South Africa recognises eleven official languages—two European (English and
Afrikaans) and nine Bantu (also called “Sintu” in her usage) languages—to signal both
the cultural richness of the country and the challenges that such diversity presents. She
points out that while about three-quarters of the population speak one of the Sintu
languages as a first language, only some 9% speak English as a first language, and
about 15% Afrikaans. Thus, most people are first-language speakers of African
languages, and many engage in multilingual practices. (Silva 1997: 159-160)
Silva argues that this diversity is not merely cosmetic or symbolic—it deeply influences
the vocabulary (lexis) of South African English. She documents how English in South
, lOMoARcPSD|18222662
Africa borrows and adapts from indigenous Bantu languages in everyday social,
cultural, and environmental domains: loanwords, semantic shifts, and code mixing
reflect inter-language contact (Silva 1997: 162-168). This, for her, means that South
African English is a mirror of multilingual society: its lexis carries the traces of historical
and ongoing contact, power, identity, and adaptation.
Schneider, by contrast, situates linguistic diversity within a broader framework: the
Dynamic Model of postcolonial Englishes. He sees diversity as one of the structural and
sociolinguistic effects that emerge over time as English varieties evolve in multilingual
societies. In his model, phases such as nativization and differentiation are especially
relevant: at these phases English begins to diverge, to reflect local identities, and to
adapt under pressure from local languages (Schneider 2007: chapter 3 and case
studies, including South Africa) (Schneider 2007: 186-190). Schneider acknowledges
that in South Africa, there are various “strands” of English—settler (e.g. white English
speakers), indigenous second-language speakers, and those in mixed multilingual
contexts—and that diversity is both internal and external.
Thus, both Silva and Schneider agree that linguistic diversity is central: Silva
emphasises the multilingual landscape and how it influences the lexis of English;
Schneider emphasises how diversity is built into the evolution of English varieties,
structurally, socially, and historically.
The Role of English: Dominant, Adapted, Contested
Both authors see English as having dominant status, but their accounts of what that
means and what English does vary.
Silva emphasises that English has been historically imposed and remains powerful:
under colonialism and apartheid, it was the language of administration, education, and
law, often at the expense of indigenous languages. She describes how English was
used in mission schools, and how its expansion was not always voluntary for many
people. (Silva 1997: 160-162) Silva shows how English continues to function as the
language of prestige, upward mobility, and interethnic communication. Because many
ASSIGNMENT 3 2025
UNIQUE NO.
DUE DATE: 2025
, lOMoARcPSD|18222662
Politics of the English Language: Origin, spread, responses and influences of/on
the English Language
Language, Identity and Unity in South Africa: A Comparison of Silva (1997) and
Schneider (2007)
Introduction
The role of language in nation-building is especially critical in postcolonial societies
which are multilingual, with colonial legacies, deep inequalities, and competing
identities. In South Africa, with its eleven official languages and history of apartheid, the
question of how linguistic diversity, English, and national unity interact is especially
complex. Penny Silva (1997) in “The Lexis of South African English: Reflections of a
Multilingual Society” and Edgar W. Schneider (2007) in Postcolonial English: Varieties
around the World (Chapter 5.2) both examine this terrain. While both authors
acknowledge the pervasive importance of English, they approach its role, effects on
diversity, and impact on unity from different angles. This essay compares their
arguments, showing where they converge and diverge with respect to linguistic
diversity, the role of English, and the implications for national unity.
Linguistic Diversity: Recognition and Significance
Silva foregrounds linguistic diversity very explicitly. She begins by noting that post-1994
South Africa recognises eleven official languages—two European (English and
Afrikaans) and nine Bantu (also called “Sintu” in her usage) languages—to signal both
the cultural richness of the country and the challenges that such diversity presents. She
points out that while about three-quarters of the population speak one of the Sintu
languages as a first language, only some 9% speak English as a first language, and
about 15% Afrikaans. Thus, most people are first-language speakers of African
languages, and many engage in multilingual practices. (Silva 1997: 159-160)
Silva argues that this diversity is not merely cosmetic or symbolic—it deeply influences
the vocabulary (lexis) of South African English. She documents how English in South
, lOMoARcPSD|18222662
Africa borrows and adapts from indigenous Bantu languages in everyday social,
cultural, and environmental domains: loanwords, semantic shifts, and code mixing
reflect inter-language contact (Silva 1997: 162-168). This, for her, means that South
African English is a mirror of multilingual society: its lexis carries the traces of historical
and ongoing contact, power, identity, and adaptation.
Schneider, by contrast, situates linguistic diversity within a broader framework: the
Dynamic Model of postcolonial Englishes. He sees diversity as one of the structural and
sociolinguistic effects that emerge over time as English varieties evolve in multilingual
societies. In his model, phases such as nativization and differentiation are especially
relevant: at these phases English begins to diverge, to reflect local identities, and to
adapt under pressure from local languages (Schneider 2007: chapter 3 and case
studies, including South Africa) (Schneider 2007: 186-190). Schneider acknowledges
that in South Africa, there are various “strands” of English—settler (e.g. white English
speakers), indigenous second-language speakers, and those in mixed multilingual
contexts—and that diversity is both internal and external.
Thus, both Silva and Schneider agree that linguistic diversity is central: Silva
emphasises the multilingual landscape and how it influences the lexis of English;
Schneider emphasises how diversity is built into the evolution of English varieties,
structurally, socially, and historically.
The Role of English: Dominant, Adapted, Contested
Both authors see English as having dominant status, but their accounts of what that
means and what English does vary.
Silva emphasises that English has been historically imposed and remains powerful:
under colonialism and apartheid, it was the language of administration, education, and
law, often at the expense of indigenous languages. She describes how English was
used in mission schools, and how its expansion was not always voluntary for many
people. (Silva 1997: 160-162) Silva shows how English continues to function as the
language of prestige, upward mobility, and interethnic communication. Because many
