CIVIL RESISTANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA – 1980’S
CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN 80’S
Beginning of the 80’s – ANC and other opposition parties were in exile, political leaders in jail
& government seemed to have enough power and military force to maintain its control
Mid 80’s – crisis
Late 80’s – internal resistance & international pressures had set the scene for the collapse of
the apartheid government
TOTAL ONSLAUGHT – TOTAL STRATEGY
After Soweto Uprising – government had to chain its strategy to prevent further resistance
and retain power
Mixed reform with repression – under PW Botha
“Total Onslaught” – government used propaganda to convince people that the communists
were plotting to seize RSA through military attacks, protests & international criticism
To meet this onslaught – they adopted “total strategy” – increased military build-up,
censorship, banning of people, organisations & political rallies, detentions without trials
1985 – national state of emergency – police and army had extra power to take action against
opposition, which government propaganda presented as a communist threat
Increased power in townships, protests, raids to attack ANC guerrilla bases and MPLA and
Frelimo governments in Angola and Mozambique
Limited reform in an attempt to win support from the growing black middle class
Reform coupled with oppression
Government hoped that – these reforms would make Africans lose interest in more radical
challenges to Apartheid
Not dismantling of apartheid – restructuring
CONTRADICTIONS OF APARTHEID EMERGE
Economy began to grow – need for skilled workers – policies of the government designed to
keep black workers as providers of manual labour had failed – pressure from business
leaders and black workers to reform its policies affecting labour
Bantu Education, colour bar in industry, pass laws, homeland system – all designed to keep
black workers as providers of manual labour in the economy
BLACK LOCAL AUTHORITIES ACT – 1982
After Soweto Uprising – government set up local Community Councils to administer the
townships – under control of white government officials
Aim satisfy black political demands by giving very limited powers at local level
Community councils would be elected by local residents – responsible for collecting rent and
service payments – made them unpopular with residents
TRICAMERAL PARLIAMENT
Introduction of a new constitution in 1983 – created a Tricameral (3 chamber) parliament
An attempt to win support from the coloured and Indian communities – but retain white
control at the same time
3 separate parliaments for white, Indian, coloured representatives
House of Assembly (white), Representatives (coloured), Delegates (Indian)
, Each house control its own affairs in matters such as housing & education – all other
matters still controlled my House of Assembly – political power remained in hands of whites
Africans totally excluded – government policy saw that political representation for blacks
was confined to the homelands and the Community Councils
LABOUR MOVEMENTS BECOME MORE POWERFUL
Growth of trade unions had started in 1973, continued throughout 70’s
Economy dependent on black labour
Bantustan policy kept black workers in homelands and they were only allowed temporary
employment – changed – manufacturing industry needed a stable, skilled work force
Became clear in 1980’s manufacturing sector stopped growing
Demand for labour increased – workers began to voice their demands for legally recognized
unions
Business leaders – needed a reliable form of communication with worker demands
Wiehahn Committee – government appointed committee, recommended in 1979 – black
trade unions be legally recognized – policy of job reservation also relaxed
Union membership increased rapidly 57 000 in 1979 to 500 000+ in 1984
FOSATU (Federation of South African Trade Unions) 1979, NUM (National Union of
Mineworkers) 1982
PASS SYSTEM BREAKS DOWN
Demand for labour increased – more people moving from homelands to cities, despite the
pass laws
Women joined their husbands
Number of informal settlements grew rapidly – state tried preventing this using arrests and
forced removals & by destroying informal settlements – but it did not work
Urbanisation increased – so did the number of people breaking the law
Courts and prisons overloaded – pass system began to break down
Abolished in 1986 – government’s vision of separate development had FAILED – homelands
no longer existed
RESPONSE TO BOTHA’S REFORMS
Widespread protests were held. This new wave of mass resistance continued throughout the
1980s.
It involved trade unions, civic organisations, community, students and church leaders.
By the mid-1980s these had turned into a determined and sustained national uprising.
Not what NP expected – Black Local Authorities Act (1982) and Tricameral Constitution
(1983) had far reaching effects – sparked mass protests nationwide
Government had failed to win support of coloured, Indians and blacks
Clear that they were trying to reconstruct apartheid, not dismantle it
A number of democratic organisations joined forces to urge voters not to vote UDF
(United Democratic Front)
In 1984 – less than 20% of coloureds and Indians didn’t vote, despite huge efforts by
government
THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF)
CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN 80’S
Beginning of the 80’s – ANC and other opposition parties were in exile, political leaders in jail
& government seemed to have enough power and military force to maintain its control
Mid 80’s – crisis
Late 80’s – internal resistance & international pressures had set the scene for the collapse of
the apartheid government
TOTAL ONSLAUGHT – TOTAL STRATEGY
After Soweto Uprising – government had to chain its strategy to prevent further resistance
and retain power
Mixed reform with repression – under PW Botha
“Total Onslaught” – government used propaganda to convince people that the communists
were plotting to seize RSA through military attacks, protests & international criticism
To meet this onslaught – they adopted “total strategy” – increased military build-up,
censorship, banning of people, organisations & political rallies, detentions without trials
1985 – national state of emergency – police and army had extra power to take action against
opposition, which government propaganda presented as a communist threat
Increased power in townships, protests, raids to attack ANC guerrilla bases and MPLA and
Frelimo governments in Angola and Mozambique
Limited reform in an attempt to win support from the growing black middle class
Reform coupled with oppression
Government hoped that – these reforms would make Africans lose interest in more radical
challenges to Apartheid
Not dismantling of apartheid – restructuring
CONTRADICTIONS OF APARTHEID EMERGE
Economy began to grow – need for skilled workers – policies of the government designed to
keep black workers as providers of manual labour had failed – pressure from business
leaders and black workers to reform its policies affecting labour
Bantu Education, colour bar in industry, pass laws, homeland system – all designed to keep
black workers as providers of manual labour in the economy
BLACK LOCAL AUTHORITIES ACT – 1982
After Soweto Uprising – government set up local Community Councils to administer the
townships – under control of white government officials
Aim satisfy black political demands by giving very limited powers at local level
Community councils would be elected by local residents – responsible for collecting rent and
service payments – made them unpopular with residents
TRICAMERAL PARLIAMENT
Introduction of a new constitution in 1983 – created a Tricameral (3 chamber) parliament
An attempt to win support from the coloured and Indian communities – but retain white
control at the same time
3 separate parliaments for white, Indian, coloured representatives
House of Assembly (white), Representatives (coloured), Delegates (Indian)
, Each house control its own affairs in matters such as housing & education – all other
matters still controlled my House of Assembly – political power remained in hands of whites
Africans totally excluded – government policy saw that political representation for blacks
was confined to the homelands and the Community Councils
LABOUR MOVEMENTS BECOME MORE POWERFUL
Growth of trade unions had started in 1973, continued throughout 70’s
Economy dependent on black labour
Bantustan policy kept black workers in homelands and they were only allowed temporary
employment – changed – manufacturing industry needed a stable, skilled work force
Became clear in 1980’s manufacturing sector stopped growing
Demand for labour increased – workers began to voice their demands for legally recognized
unions
Business leaders – needed a reliable form of communication with worker demands
Wiehahn Committee – government appointed committee, recommended in 1979 – black
trade unions be legally recognized – policy of job reservation also relaxed
Union membership increased rapidly 57 000 in 1979 to 500 000+ in 1984
FOSATU (Federation of South African Trade Unions) 1979, NUM (National Union of
Mineworkers) 1982
PASS SYSTEM BREAKS DOWN
Demand for labour increased – more people moving from homelands to cities, despite the
pass laws
Women joined their husbands
Number of informal settlements grew rapidly – state tried preventing this using arrests and
forced removals & by destroying informal settlements – but it did not work
Urbanisation increased – so did the number of people breaking the law
Courts and prisons overloaded – pass system began to break down
Abolished in 1986 – government’s vision of separate development had FAILED – homelands
no longer existed
RESPONSE TO BOTHA’S REFORMS
Widespread protests were held. This new wave of mass resistance continued throughout the
1980s.
It involved trade unions, civic organisations, community, students and church leaders.
By the mid-1980s these had turned into a determined and sustained national uprising.
Not what NP expected – Black Local Authorities Act (1982) and Tricameral Constitution
(1983) had far reaching effects – sparked mass protests nationwide
Government had failed to win support of coloured, Indians and blacks
Clear that they were trying to reconstruct apartheid, not dismantle it
A number of democratic organisations joined forces to urge voters not to vote UDF
(United Democratic Front)
In 1984 – less than 20% of coloureds and Indians didn’t vote, despite huge efforts by
government
THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF)
