APC3703
Assignment 1
Due 2025
,The Politics of West and North Africa
SECTION A: WEST AFRICA
Question 1
Since attaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has experienced recurring patterns
where former military rulers later re-emerge as civilian presidents. According to
Onwutuebe (2002), this cycle persists because Nigeria’s democracy is still shaped by a
political culture inherited from decades of military rule. Practices such as
authoritarianism, centralised authority, and hierarchical decision-making developed
under military regimes have been carried into civilian politics, weakening democratic
accountability.
Nigeria’s First Republic collapsed in 1966, paving the way for prolonged military
dominance, interrupted only by short periods of civilian government. From 1966 to 1999,
successive military rulers — including Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed,
Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Sani Abacha — consolidated executive
power, governed largely through decrees, and suppressed dissenting voices. Even after
the return to civilian rule in 1999, the presidency was occupied by former generals such
as Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023), whose
leadership styles often mirrored the command-and-control orientation of military
governance rather than participatory democratic principles.
Onwutuebe (2002) highlights several enduring legacies of this military past. Firstly,
political authority is highly centralised in the presidency, undermining the independence
of the legislature and judiciary. Secondly, opposition is often met with hostility, with
security forces deployed to curb protests, intimidate critics, or tilt elections. Thirdly,
clientelistic networks and rent distribution, inherited from military rule, continue to
dominate politics, fostering corruption and inconsistency in policy. Finally, the
prioritisation of personal rule during the military era contributed to the institutional
fragility that persists today.
,These tendencies manifest as what Onwutuebe terms “democratic infractions” —
manipulation of elections, disregard for court rulings, abuse of constitutional provisions,
and the politicised use of anti-corruption institutions. In essence, the military mindset
values discipline, loyalty, and control over compromise, transparency, and
accountability, which are core to democratic governance.
Nevertheless, Nigeria’s democratic challenges cannot be attributed solely to its military
heritage. Structural issues such as ethnic and religious divisions, overdependence on oil
rents, widespread poverty, and limited internal democracy within political parties also
contribute significantly to democratic weakness. Since 1999, however, there have been
notable improvements, such as the peaceful transfer of power in 2015, judicial checks
on electoral disputes, and an increasingly vibrant media environment, which indicate
that the influence of military culture can be gradually reduced.
In summary, Onwutuebe’s argument is convincing in showing how military traditions
continue to shape Nigeria’s democracy by entrenching executive dominance,
weakening institutions, and fostering rights violations. Yet, a comprehensive
understanding of Nigeria’s democratic shortcomings must also take into account
broader socio-economic and structural factors that limit democratic consolidation.
Question 2
Ghana is frequently described as one of the most stable democracies in West Africa,
yet Sefa-Nyarko (2022) contends that full democratic consolidation has not been
achieved. He argues that a strong, independent, and active civil society is the most
effective safeguard against abuses of power.
While Ghana’s constitutional framework provides for checks and balances, these
mechanisms are often undermined in practice by partisan dominance and political
interference. Institutional capture, particularly in the judiciary, legislature, and state
agencies, weakens their ability to hold the executive accountable. In this context, civil
society organisations — through advocacy, public education, investigative journalism,
, and mobilisation of citizens — play a crucial role in constraining state power and
promoting democratic accountability.
In essence, Sefa-Nyarko (2022) highlights that Ghana’s democracy remains vulnerable
when formal institutions are compromised, and that civil society’s vibrancy is essential in
ensuring transparency, defending rights, and deepening democratic practice.
Assignment 1
Due 2025
,The Politics of West and North Africa
SECTION A: WEST AFRICA
Question 1
Since attaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has experienced recurring patterns
where former military rulers later re-emerge as civilian presidents. According to
Onwutuebe (2002), this cycle persists because Nigeria’s democracy is still shaped by a
political culture inherited from decades of military rule. Practices such as
authoritarianism, centralised authority, and hierarchical decision-making developed
under military regimes have been carried into civilian politics, weakening democratic
accountability.
Nigeria’s First Republic collapsed in 1966, paving the way for prolonged military
dominance, interrupted only by short periods of civilian government. From 1966 to 1999,
successive military rulers — including Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed,
Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Sani Abacha — consolidated executive
power, governed largely through decrees, and suppressed dissenting voices. Even after
the return to civilian rule in 1999, the presidency was occupied by former generals such
as Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023), whose
leadership styles often mirrored the command-and-control orientation of military
governance rather than participatory democratic principles.
Onwutuebe (2002) highlights several enduring legacies of this military past. Firstly,
political authority is highly centralised in the presidency, undermining the independence
of the legislature and judiciary. Secondly, opposition is often met with hostility, with
security forces deployed to curb protests, intimidate critics, or tilt elections. Thirdly,
clientelistic networks and rent distribution, inherited from military rule, continue to
dominate politics, fostering corruption and inconsistency in policy. Finally, the
prioritisation of personal rule during the military era contributed to the institutional
fragility that persists today.
,These tendencies manifest as what Onwutuebe terms “democratic infractions” —
manipulation of elections, disregard for court rulings, abuse of constitutional provisions,
and the politicised use of anti-corruption institutions. In essence, the military mindset
values discipline, loyalty, and control over compromise, transparency, and
accountability, which are core to democratic governance.
Nevertheless, Nigeria’s democratic challenges cannot be attributed solely to its military
heritage. Structural issues such as ethnic and religious divisions, overdependence on oil
rents, widespread poverty, and limited internal democracy within political parties also
contribute significantly to democratic weakness. Since 1999, however, there have been
notable improvements, such as the peaceful transfer of power in 2015, judicial checks
on electoral disputes, and an increasingly vibrant media environment, which indicate
that the influence of military culture can be gradually reduced.
In summary, Onwutuebe’s argument is convincing in showing how military traditions
continue to shape Nigeria’s democracy by entrenching executive dominance,
weakening institutions, and fostering rights violations. Yet, a comprehensive
understanding of Nigeria’s democratic shortcomings must also take into account
broader socio-economic and structural factors that limit democratic consolidation.
Question 2
Ghana is frequently described as one of the most stable democracies in West Africa,
yet Sefa-Nyarko (2022) contends that full democratic consolidation has not been
achieved. He argues that a strong, independent, and active civil society is the most
effective safeguard against abuses of power.
While Ghana’s constitutional framework provides for checks and balances, these
mechanisms are often undermined in practice by partisan dominance and political
interference. Institutional capture, particularly in the judiciary, legislature, and state
agencies, weakens their ability to hold the executive accountable. In this context, civil
society organisations — through advocacy, public education, investigative journalism,
, and mobilisation of citizens — play a crucial role in constraining state power and
promoting democratic accountability.
In essence, Sefa-Nyarko (2022) highlights that Ghana’s democracy remains vulnerable
when formal institutions are compromised, and that civil society’s vibrancy is essential in
ensuring transparency, defending rights, and deepening democratic practice.
