APC2602 EXAM
PACK 2023
,APC2602 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AFRICA EXAM PACK
QUESTION 1
Explain Chabal’s (2002 Reader article) argument that, “contemporary politics in Africa
is best understood as the exercise of neo-patrimonial power.”
Neopatrimonialism is a system of social hierarchy where patrons use state resources in order
to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. It is a system in which an office of
power is used for personal uses and gains as opposed to a strict division of the private and
public spheres. It is a political regime based on the personal use of one man or party of public
resources and the preferential appointment of civil servants. This could be a manifestation of
corrupt practices and illegitimate behaviour according to the international community.
A neo-patrimonial regime makes the government a transfer pump. The government collects
resources and distributes them to its supporters. While such transfers may be a feature of
many political systems, in functioning democracies the transfers are more impartial and based
on the needs of the public at large. On the other hand, in neo-patrimonial systems the
transfers only benefit particular groups who are connected to the politicians through
patronage networks at the cost of the rest of the constituents.
The basic structure of neopatrimonial regimes consists of three sectors – the “ins.” The
“outs;” and the government. The government derives its support by providing patronage to
the “ins” (clients, cronies etc.) and funds this by taxing the “outs”.
Resource distribution in neopatrimonial systems is always motivated by the patron’s
incentive to ensure incumbency. However, the specific resources and distributive
mechanisms of patronage networks vary by the cultural, economic and political institutions
found in a particular country. Distribution of resources or benefits might be primarily be
motivated by personal relationships or ethnic/ tribal loyalties. In such cases distribution can
take the form of personal favours such as, appointing relatives or people from the ruler’s
ethnic/tribal group to important government posts. This has been found to be the case in
countries as diverse as Cameroon and Zaire.
The significance of Neo-patrimonialism and the extent to which it has permeated African
politics requires deep exploration. These neo-patrimonial practices are not just a
characteristic of the African regimes but rather the core feature of post-colonial politics in
Africa. After independence, liberation movements found themselves leading fragmented and
very young states, hence, the Africanisation of the bureaucracy in the form of authoritarian
patrimonialism to ensure unity and economic strength in these weak states.
Neo-patrimonialism is significant in terms of policy design and implementation.
Neopatrimonial politics have developed the capacity of being able to divert public resources,
from national tax revenues and aid funds for private lucrative gain, thereby undermining
development possibilities already restricted by social and economic constraints. In the case of
1|Page
, Zambia neo-patrimonialism has continued even after the abolition of the one-party state rule
and is still regarded as an important mechanism for ensuring continued support for the ruling
party and access to resources.
Neopatrimonialism is the foundation stone which drives African politics. Some scholars
argues that it is a sign of argue that it is a sign of underdevelopment and backwardness ot the
phenomenon that prevents development from taking place in Africa.
DISADVANTAGES OR THE NEGATIVE SIDE EFFECTS OF NEO-PATRIMONIALISM
❖ Neo-patrimonialism give rise to high inequality in access to resources
❖ It hinders long-term availability of resources
❖ Neopatrimonial parties provide poor choices to voters
❖ Ruling parties work to weaken political opposition which limits voters’ choice at
election time
❖ Lack of resources prevent honest/ good political leaders from running
❖ Neopatrimonial rulers might alter term limits, further weakening the voting
mechanism
❖ Failure of rule of law
❖ Lack of access to information
❖
CHARACTERISTICS OF A NEO-PATRIMONIAL STATE
In neo-patrimonial states Civil Society remain silent and weak because of threads of from the
ruling party. For example, political parties threatens the electorate that they will not have
schools, roads, clinics or any development projects in their area if they do not vote for the
ruling party for instance.
Funding is spend on political projects and these states are burdened by bureaucracies.
Elections are not contested and coalition politics form the norm.
In neo-patrimonial states there is little or no transparency. Civil society is seen as threatening
Governments will attempt to control private and independent media, by either declining or
failed to register independent radio and news stations. Donors perceive the media as
independent when party politics bustles are aired. Print media might be owned by politicians
or their families.
Parliaments are generally weak and real decision making is done outside formal institutions
and agree with the president initiatives instead of objectivity to policies. The party is sometimes
owned by the party leader and is funded by interested foreigners or state treasury.
Human rights abuse and politically inspired crime are a common practise.
In these states judicial independence is under threat – courts are deliberately under resource
and pensions / wages are at risk.
2|Page
PACK 2023
,APC2602 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AFRICA EXAM PACK
QUESTION 1
Explain Chabal’s (2002 Reader article) argument that, “contemporary politics in Africa
is best understood as the exercise of neo-patrimonial power.”
Neopatrimonialism is a system of social hierarchy where patrons use state resources in order
to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. It is a system in which an office of
power is used for personal uses and gains as opposed to a strict division of the private and
public spheres. It is a political regime based on the personal use of one man or party of public
resources and the preferential appointment of civil servants. This could be a manifestation of
corrupt practices and illegitimate behaviour according to the international community.
A neo-patrimonial regime makes the government a transfer pump. The government collects
resources and distributes them to its supporters. While such transfers may be a feature of
many political systems, in functioning democracies the transfers are more impartial and based
on the needs of the public at large. On the other hand, in neo-patrimonial systems the
transfers only benefit particular groups who are connected to the politicians through
patronage networks at the cost of the rest of the constituents.
The basic structure of neopatrimonial regimes consists of three sectors – the “ins.” The
“outs;” and the government. The government derives its support by providing patronage to
the “ins” (clients, cronies etc.) and funds this by taxing the “outs”.
Resource distribution in neopatrimonial systems is always motivated by the patron’s
incentive to ensure incumbency. However, the specific resources and distributive
mechanisms of patronage networks vary by the cultural, economic and political institutions
found in a particular country. Distribution of resources or benefits might be primarily be
motivated by personal relationships or ethnic/ tribal loyalties. In such cases distribution can
take the form of personal favours such as, appointing relatives or people from the ruler’s
ethnic/tribal group to important government posts. This has been found to be the case in
countries as diverse as Cameroon and Zaire.
The significance of Neo-patrimonialism and the extent to which it has permeated African
politics requires deep exploration. These neo-patrimonial practices are not just a
characteristic of the African regimes but rather the core feature of post-colonial politics in
Africa. After independence, liberation movements found themselves leading fragmented and
very young states, hence, the Africanisation of the bureaucracy in the form of authoritarian
patrimonialism to ensure unity and economic strength in these weak states.
Neo-patrimonialism is significant in terms of policy design and implementation.
Neopatrimonial politics have developed the capacity of being able to divert public resources,
from national tax revenues and aid funds for private lucrative gain, thereby undermining
development possibilities already restricted by social and economic constraints. In the case of
1|Page
, Zambia neo-patrimonialism has continued even after the abolition of the one-party state rule
and is still regarded as an important mechanism for ensuring continued support for the ruling
party and access to resources.
Neopatrimonialism is the foundation stone which drives African politics. Some scholars
argues that it is a sign of argue that it is a sign of underdevelopment and backwardness ot the
phenomenon that prevents development from taking place in Africa.
DISADVANTAGES OR THE NEGATIVE SIDE EFFECTS OF NEO-PATRIMONIALISM
❖ Neo-patrimonialism give rise to high inequality in access to resources
❖ It hinders long-term availability of resources
❖ Neopatrimonial parties provide poor choices to voters
❖ Ruling parties work to weaken political opposition which limits voters’ choice at
election time
❖ Lack of resources prevent honest/ good political leaders from running
❖ Neopatrimonial rulers might alter term limits, further weakening the voting
mechanism
❖ Failure of rule of law
❖ Lack of access to information
❖
CHARACTERISTICS OF A NEO-PATRIMONIAL STATE
In neo-patrimonial states Civil Society remain silent and weak because of threads of from the
ruling party. For example, political parties threatens the electorate that they will not have
schools, roads, clinics or any development projects in their area if they do not vote for the
ruling party for instance.
Funding is spend on political projects and these states are burdened by bureaucracies.
Elections are not contested and coalition politics form the norm.
In neo-patrimonial states there is little or no transparency. Civil society is seen as threatening
Governments will attempt to control private and independent media, by either declining or
failed to register independent radio and news stations. Donors perceive the media as
independent when party politics bustles are aired. Print media might be owned by politicians
or their families.
Parliaments are generally weak and real decision making is done outside formal institutions
and agree with the president initiatives instead of objectivity to policies. The party is sometimes
owned by the party leader and is funded by interested foreigners or state treasury.
Human rights abuse and politically inspired crime are a common practise.
In these states judicial independence is under threat – courts are deliberately under resource
and pensions / wages are at risk.
2|Page
