Politics 324 Question 3
Once having attained national independence … the logic of national liberation seems to
suppress rather than to liberate democracy (Southall 2003). Discuss the challenges of
liberation movements as governments and provide examples.
Gumede:
After the end of colonialism, African liberation and independence movements
promised so much in the name of freedom, democracy and economic development.
o Yet, over the past 50 years, most of the African governments that sprang from
these movements, which were expressly committed to transforming their
societies for the better during the liberation and independence struggles have
failed to establish quality democracies, build inclusive societies and bring
economic prosperity to their countries.
What are some of the core political cultures that undermine African independence and
liberation movements of achieving effective democratic regimes and good
governance:
o One-partyism – many African post-independence leaders argued that only one
united party where all different groups are represented could drive the
development and nation-building effort.
In 1964, Jomo Kenyatta, persuaded the Kenyan African Democratic
Union (KADU) to join KANU using the spoils of government as
reward, rendering the country became essentially a one-party state.
Kenyatta argued that given Kenya’s mountain of challenges, the
country needed to speak with one united voice, and that multiparty
politics would only increase ethnic tensions, create instability and
undermine the infant government’s efforts to bring about positive
change.
o Centralisation of decision- and policy-making – many African independence
and liberation movements were structured along variations of Soviet Marxist-
Leninist or Chinese Communist Party lines, with a powerful leader at the head.
To more effectively fight colonial or white-minority governments, anti-
1
, colonial and anti-apartheid movements were organised in a top-down,
secretive and military-like fashion, with power in the hands of either the leader
or a small leadership group, centred on the leader.
In government, many liberation and independence movements have
invariably restricted ordinary members and citizens’ participating in
decision-making beyond voting every five years.
Since policies and decisions are usually made by a small group,
without much broader input by members, supporters or voters, and
without the benefit of critical scrutiny that wider debate brings,
governments often come up with poor, inappropriate policies, which
are costly – in the end the poor suffer, when these policies have to be
reversed or abandoned.
o Discouraging competitive leadership elections – democratic leadership
elections within African independence and liberation movements during the
independence and liberation struggles were often discouraged, because leaders
feared that it would promote political, ethnic and factional divisions.
The party leadership of these movements was often elected, or rather
appointed, by a small clique, often in secrecy. Or, if there is an election
for leader within the party, the party barons decide whom to back and
their choice is presented to the membership as the best option. This
often leads to the phenomenon of uncontested elections.
In 1963, Ben Bella, with the support of the FLN leadership,
was presented in an uncontested election as president of
Algeria.
Following the assassination of Eduardo Mondlane in 1969 by
Portuguese agents, Mozambican independence leader, Samora
Machel, became the new leader of FRELIMO with the support
of leadership and in what was essentially an uncontested
election. Following the assassination of Machel in 1986,
Joaquim Chissano was also presented as leader of FRELIMO in
an uncontested election.
When Thabo Mbeki was elected as leader of South Africa’s
governing African National Congress (ANC) in 1997, he was
2
Once having attained national independence … the logic of national liberation seems to
suppress rather than to liberate democracy (Southall 2003). Discuss the challenges of
liberation movements as governments and provide examples.
Gumede:
After the end of colonialism, African liberation and independence movements
promised so much in the name of freedom, democracy and economic development.
o Yet, over the past 50 years, most of the African governments that sprang from
these movements, which were expressly committed to transforming their
societies for the better during the liberation and independence struggles have
failed to establish quality democracies, build inclusive societies and bring
economic prosperity to their countries.
What are some of the core political cultures that undermine African independence and
liberation movements of achieving effective democratic regimes and good
governance:
o One-partyism – many African post-independence leaders argued that only one
united party where all different groups are represented could drive the
development and nation-building effort.
In 1964, Jomo Kenyatta, persuaded the Kenyan African Democratic
Union (KADU) to join KANU using the spoils of government as
reward, rendering the country became essentially a one-party state.
Kenyatta argued that given Kenya’s mountain of challenges, the
country needed to speak with one united voice, and that multiparty
politics would only increase ethnic tensions, create instability and
undermine the infant government’s efforts to bring about positive
change.
o Centralisation of decision- and policy-making – many African independence
and liberation movements were structured along variations of Soviet Marxist-
Leninist or Chinese Communist Party lines, with a powerful leader at the head.
To more effectively fight colonial or white-minority governments, anti-
1
, colonial and anti-apartheid movements were organised in a top-down,
secretive and military-like fashion, with power in the hands of either the leader
or a small leadership group, centred on the leader.
In government, many liberation and independence movements have
invariably restricted ordinary members and citizens’ participating in
decision-making beyond voting every five years.
Since policies and decisions are usually made by a small group,
without much broader input by members, supporters or voters, and
without the benefit of critical scrutiny that wider debate brings,
governments often come up with poor, inappropriate policies, which
are costly – in the end the poor suffer, when these policies have to be
reversed or abandoned.
o Discouraging competitive leadership elections – democratic leadership
elections within African independence and liberation movements during the
independence and liberation struggles were often discouraged, because leaders
feared that it would promote political, ethnic and factional divisions.
The party leadership of these movements was often elected, or rather
appointed, by a small clique, often in secrecy. Or, if there is an election
for leader within the party, the party barons decide whom to back and
their choice is presented to the membership as the best option. This
often leads to the phenomenon of uncontested elections.
In 1963, Ben Bella, with the support of the FLN leadership,
was presented in an uncontested election as president of
Algeria.
Following the assassination of Eduardo Mondlane in 1969 by
Portuguese agents, Mozambican independence leader, Samora
Machel, became the new leader of FRELIMO with the support
of leadership and in what was essentially an uncontested
election. Following the assassination of Machel in 1986,
Joaquim Chissano was also presented as leader of FRELIMO in
an uncontested election.
When Thabo Mbeki was elected as leader of South Africa’s
governing African National Congress (ANC) in 1997, he was
2
