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Edexcel A-level Politics Band 5 Essay - Evaluate the view that the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system should be scrapped and replaced with a system of proportional representation? (30)

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An A* response to the Gov 1 question: Evaluate the view that the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system should be scrapped and replaced with a system of proportional representation? (30) --- covers FPTP, proportional representation systems (AMS + STV), recent statistics and up-to-date examples (2024 general election, 2025 Labour backbench rebellion, coalition governments etc). Links to Gov 2 with elective dictatorship.

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Evaluate the view that the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system should be
scrapped and replaced with a system of proportional representation? (30)

The 2024 general election has reignited long-standing criticisms of First-Past-the-Post
(FPTP), after Labour won a landslide majority of 172 seats on just 33.7% of the vote -
the least proportional result in UK history, according to the Gallagher Index. This
outcome has prompted debate over whether the system continues to serve the
principles of a pluralist, representative democracy, or if a more proportional system is
now needed to ensure fairer representation, especially with the emergence of a
multi-party system in terms of vote share. This essay will examine the merits of this view
by considering how FPTP compares to proportional alternatives in the UK (like AMS
and STV) in terms of representation and proportionality, the level of voter choice it offers
and the type of government it tends to produce. Overall, this essay will argue that it is
more convincing to suggest that FPTP should be replaced with a system of proportional
representation, as the scale of disproportionality and undermining of democratic
legitimacy outweighs its traditional advantages of simplicity and stable government.

One of the core arguments in favour of retaining FPTP is the strong MP-constituency
link it fosters. Supporters of this view claim that the relatively small size of most FPTP
constituencies (70,000 people) and the fact that there is a single MP responsible for
those people, results in effective representation of local interests and a strong link
between the MP and their constituents, leading to an increased ability to hold
representatives accountable. This was evident in July 2025, when 49 Labour MPs
defied the whips to vote against the government’s proposed reforms to PIP and
Universal Credit, which would have saved £5 million, reflecting local pressures in
constituencies against welfare cuts. Contrastingly, under systems of proportional
representation, such as Alternative Member System (AMS) used in Scotland, Wales and
the London Assembly, effectively two classes of MPs are created, with both a
constituency MP and a party list MP with no personal mandate held accountable to one
constituency. A further strength of FPTP can be seen in that it under-represents minor
extremist parties, as under FPTP, a two-party system is maintained. For instance, in
2010, the extreme right-wing BNP won 2% of the national vote, but did not finish higher
than 3rd in any constituency, owing to their dispersed support. This shows how FPTP
can act as a protective feature for democracy by preventing radical extremists who
espouse vile views from influencing democratic proceedings and becoming a legitimate
political force. However, it is more convincing to argue that these benefits are
overshadowed by the extreme disproportionality and misrepresentation FPTP produces,
thus it should be replaced. FPTP is a simple plurality system that results in elected MPs
often lacking majority support in their constituencies, such as Labour MP for South West
Norfolk (Terry Jermy) being elected in 2024 on only 26.7% of the vote. This weakens
© Humanities Unlocked. | Edexcel A-level Politics 2025 | For personal use only. Redistribution is
prohibited.

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